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Financial Times
September 16, 2002


'White elephant' pipeline overcomes doubts 
By David Stern 


-The idea of the pipeline actually being built would
have come as a shock to many industry experts only two
years ago, when it was being described as a white
elephant, only being taken seriously because it
enjoyed strong backing from the US government.
The formal beginning of the project follows a
nine-member consortium's decision last month to
proceed. The group - which includes BP, the project's
operator, Norway's Statoil, Unocal of the US and the
Azeri state oil company Socar - also awarded initial
construction contracts.
-Others....perceived a not-so-hidden attempt to lock
Russia and Iran out of the Caspian oil game.
-What has happened in the meantime to make the
pipeline a reality, say some observers, is that oil
companies, faced with pressure from the US government,
found their own arguments for building it.
-Rather than creating a new geopolitical reality, The
pipeline merely underlines the one that already
exists. Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey are as ever
staunchly pro-western, while Iran still finds itself
the odd man out in the region.




After years of controversy, construction will begin on
Wednesday on a $3bn pipeline designed to carry crude
from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean.

The presidents of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey are
expected to attend the inauguration ceremony in Baku,
the capital of Azerbaijan.

The idea of the pipeline actually being built would
have come as a shock to many industry experts only two
years ago, when it was being described as a white
elephant, only being taken seriously because it
enjoyed strong backing from the US government.

The formal beginning of the project follows a
nine-member consortium's decision last month to
proceed. The group - which includes BP, the project's
operator, Norway's Statoil, Unocal of the US and the
Azeri state oil company Socar - also awarded initial
construction contracts.

The 1,760km Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline is
scheduled to be finished by the beginning of 2005, in
time to ship some 450,000 barrels per day from BP's
main Caspian interest, the Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli
offshore structure.

It has been called the most political pipeline ever
built. The project was said to be uncommercial because
there was not enough oil in the Caspian to fill it.

US officials said they wanted it because Caspian
producers should enjoy a variety of export options and
because oil shipped to the Mediterranean offered the
best choice both economically and environmentally.

Others, however, perceived a not-so-hidden attempt to
lock Russia and Iran out of the Caspian oil game.

Tehran was lobbying hard to swap Caspian oil in the
country's north in exchange for Iranian crude in the
south.

Russia, for its part, already maintained a
stranglehold on oil coming from Kazakhstan, and
shipped a portion of Azerbaijan's production.

US officials said privately that they wished to avoid
too much dependence on Transneft, the Russian pipeline
monopoly.

What has happened in the meantime to make the pipeline
a reality, say some observers, is that oil companies,
faced with pressure from the US government, found
their own arguments for building it.

In this way, the pipeline's political basis did not
disappear, but rather was folded into the commercial
considerations.

"What is new is that this is still a political
pipeline, but at the same time the companies'
commercial motive is clearly in line," says
Christopher Langton, an analyst with the International
Institute of Strategic Studies.

At the same time, the region has seen a realignment of
forces, with Moscow finding more common cause with
Washington since September 11 2001.

Previous objections to BTC, which were already on the
wane, accordingly melted away.

"Russia gradually concluded that there was nothing
they could realistically do about it - and more
importantly, that its negative effect on Russian
interests would be marginal or zero," says Laurent
Ruseckas, Caspian region analyst for the US-based
Cambridge Energy Research Associates.

Rather than creating a new geopolitical reality, The
pipeline merely underlines the one that already
exists. Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey are as ever
staunchly pro-western, while Iran still finds itself
the odd man out in the region.

Likewise, BP dropped its argument that there was not
enough oil yet to justify construction. The UK
multinational now says that, based on the reserves of
the Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli fields it operates, the
pipeline is commercial.

One of the issues remaining is the question of how to
structure the project's finance. Thirty per cent of
costs will come from the companies' own equity, while
70 per cent will be borrowed from international banks
and lending institutions.

Officials familiar with the project say lenders are
examining closely the project's details, since the
pipeline crosses a region rife with political and
environmental risks.

But few observers expect the pipeline company to fail
to come up with the needed cash.

At the worst, they say, companies will have to pay
costs out of their own pockets until early next year,
when finance details should be completed.

Another important obstacle was removed recently, when
Heydar Aliyev, the Azeri president, published a decree
describing how his cash-strapped former Soviet country
would come up with the approximately $200m required
for its participation.
 
 


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