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FPIF Commentary
Bush Administration Faces Growing Chaos in Iraq While Some Plan Expansion of
War
By Jim Lobe | January 29, 2004

Editor: John Gershman, Interhemispheric Resource Center (IRC)
Foreign Policy In Focus www.fpif.org

Retired Gen. Anthony Zinni began warning that ousting Saddam Hussein, let
alone invading Iraq, risked destabilizing the entire Middle East back in
1998, when he led U.S. Central Command and testified against the Iraq
Liberation Act that made "regime change" official U.S. policy. And just six
months before the actual invasion last March, in October 2002, he told the
annual Fletcher Conference on National Security Strategy, "we are about to
do something that will ignite a fuse in this region that we will rue the day
we ever started."

While President George W. Bush tried hard to project a sense of confidence
and control concerning Iraq and the larger Middle East in his State of the
Union Address on Tuesday, a careful look at the news this week suggested
that Zinni's fears were not unfounded.

Talk of possible civil war in Iraq finally reached the front pages of U.S.
newspapers, while reports that at least some elements of the administration
are pushing for military action against Hezbollah in Lebanon and targets in
Syria surfaced for the first time since last summer. At the same time, by
omitting any reference to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in his speech,
Bush indicated he has no intention of seriously pressing either party toward
a cease-fire, let alone peace talks designed to meet the goal of the
"roadmap": securing Palestinian statehood by next year.

In other words, the outlook for the region between the eastern Mediterranean
and Iran 10 months after U.S. troops launched their drive from Kuwait to
Iraq is in for more--possibly a lot more--turbulence.

Long before this week, demands by Iraqi Kurds for virtually total autonomy,
including the retention of their own pesh merga force, in a new, federal
Iraq have been drawing grim warnings from neighboring Turkey, Iran, and
Syria--which all have large and restive Kurdish populations.

But last week's rejection--by Iraq's most powerful Shiite cleric, Ayatollah
Ali al-Husseini al-Sistani--of a U.S. plan to transfer sovereignty to a
transitional government that will not be directly elected by the Iraqi
people, has brought home the message that whatever progress Washington is
making in suppressing the insurgency in the "Sunni Triangle" of central Iraq
could very quickly be overwhelmed by the lack of a credible political
strategy.

"CIA officers in Iraq are warning that the country may be on a path to civil
war," was the lead sentence in a front-page article in the Philadelphia
Inquirer on January 22. The article, written by veteran Knight-Ridder
reporters who have consistently led the mainstream media in uncovering
secrets the Bush administration would rather not have exposed, quoted senior
U.S. officials as saying that failure to satisfy demands for direct
elections could spark an uprising by much of the heretofore friendly Shi'a
population, who make up 60% or more of Iraq's 24 million people. That
message was underscored by the mobilization of hundreds of thousands of
Shiites in protest demonstrations over the past week--a display of
discipline and organization that clearly surprised the administration.

If the Shi'a turn against the U.S.-led coalition, "this would be like losing
the Buddhists in Vietnam," Anthony Cordesman, a Mideast expert at the
conservative Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), told the
Financial Times Friday, referring to the U.S. war against that Asian country
in the 1960s and '70s. "It would mean losing the war."



Caught in a Box
However unattractive that option seems, holding the direct elections Sistani
is demanding--which almost certainly would bring a Shi'a-dominated
government to power--is also considered distinctly dangerous. "We can't
simply walk away and let the Shi'a dictate the shape of the new government,"
warned John Hamre, deputy defense secretary under Bush's predecessor Bill
Clinton, earlier this week, "because that will likely unleash a civil war in
Iraq ." Hamre, who as CSIS' president led an independent task force to Iraq
last August to review the situation at Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld's
behest, described the administration as "caught in a box."

A box with more than a few sharp edges, too. Sistani and his followers have
made clear that they, as well as the Sunnis, strongly oppose a federal
system that would give Kurds the autonomy they seek, particularly if the
northerners were to claim oil-rich Kirkuk as theirs.

Deadly clashes between the pesh merga and Turkomen and Arab residents in
Kirkuk and parts of the northern Sunni Triangle have been a constant, albeit
under-reported, feature of the landscape for months, but they might only be
a warm-up to a much bigger struggle, unless the administration prevails on
the Kurds to stand down. The fact that Washington has permitted the pesh
merga to retain its arms has not helped matters.

Meanwhile, tensions between Shi'as and Sunnis, who have dominated Iraqi
governments since independence, have mounted steadily since Dec. 9, when
three Sunnis were killed in an explosion at a Baghdad mosque.

While Washington says it agrees with Sistani that direct elections are best,
it insists there is not enough time to hold them before the scheduled June
30 turnover, a date that was decided more out of concern for Bush's
re-election campaign than by a commitment to build viable democratic
institutions in Iraq.

If the complicated "caucus" system that Washington proposed in November will
not work, the administration appears poised to back the creation of an
enlarged Iraqi Governing Council (IGC) as the transitional government,
although there is no agreement on how its members would be chosen.

Washington hopes that Sistani, who has indicated he will abide by the
recommendations of UN experts as to how to proceed, will be willing to deal.
In this context, the administration appears increasingly frantic about
involving the United Nations, which plans to send a team to Iraq to assess
the situation next week.

While it hopes the world body can devise an agreement that will keep all
parties calm and its transition timetable on track, Washington also clearly
sees it as a convenient scapegoat if things go bad.



Expanding the War on Terror
Not content with the mounting signs of civil war in Iraq, however, the
Pentagon, presumably with the help of Vice President Dick Cheney's office,
was reported this week by Jane's Intelligence Digest to be drawing up plans
for carrying out raids on Hezbollah targets in Lebanon and Syria, in what
would be a notable expansion of Bush's "war on terror."

Some of the same personnel who worked in the Pentagon's Office of Special
Plans (OSP), which reviewed intelligence for evidence allegedly linking
Saddam to the al Qaeda terrorist group and weapons of mass destruction (WMD)
programs before the Iraq invasion, have reportedly been working on a similar
effort regarding Syria. David Wurmser, a neoconservative who has long
advocated destabilizing Damascus through Lebanon and Iraq, joined Cheney's
staff as his Mideast adviser last September. An administration ally, Senate
Intelligence Committee Chairman Pat Roberts, also suggested this week that
Iraq's alleged WMD stockpiles were transported to Syria before the war.

Most observers here believe the administration is unlikely to authorize such
operations before the November presidential elections, if only because it
would fuel voter concerns and Democratic charges that the president's
conduct of the "war on terror" has been reckless and far too costly in
blood, treasure, and alliances.

They suggest the reports are being deliberately circulated to intimidate
Syria's Assad regime into complying with a series of U.S. demands, including
cutting off aid to Hezbollah and Palestinian groups.

Jane's noted, however, that U.S. attacks against Hezbollah in Lebanon could
well destabilize that country only a decade after its last civil war.

(Jim Lobe is a political analyst with Foreign Policy in Focus (online at
www.fpif.org). He also writes regularly for Inter Press Service.)




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www.ctrl.org
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substanceâ??not soap-boxingâ??please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'â??with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright fraudsâ??is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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