-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
1683-1920
Fredrick Franklin Schrader(1920)
Concord Publishing Company, Incorportated
New York, USA
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Pilgrim Society.--A powerful organization in New York City, nominally for the
promotion of the sentiment of brotherhood among Englishmen and Americans, but
in reality to promote a secret movement to unite the United States with "the
Mother Country," England, as advocated by Andrew Carnegie, the late Whitelaw
Reid, and, as provided for in the secret will of Cecil Rhodes. Among its
prominent members are the British Ambassador, J. Pierpont Morgan, Thomas W.
Lamont, partner of Morgan; John Revelstoke Rathom, British-born editor of the
Providence "Journal"; Adolph Ochs, owner of the New York "Times"; Ogden Mills
Reid, President New York "Tribune," and brother-in-law of the first Equerry
to the King of England; James M. Beck and numerous other Wall Street
corporation lawyers, and the underwriters of the Anglo-French war loan of
$500,000,000 and Russian ruble loan.
=====
Rhodes' Secret Will and Scholarships, Carnegie Peace Fund and Other
Pan-Anglican Influences.--It is a well-established principle of strategy as
practiced by diplomatists to arouse public attention to a supposed danger in
order to divert it from a real one. Long antedating our association with
England, secret plans were laid by far-seeing Englishmen, and sedulously
fostered by their friends in the United States, to reclaim "the lost
colonies" as a part of the United Kingdom. While the so-called German
propaganda at best was directed toward keeping the United States out of the
war, a subtle and deceptive propaganda was being conducted to enmesh us in
European entanglements to such extent that retreat from a closer political
union with England should become impossible.
In order to arrive at a clear understanding of the sources from which such
influences are proceeding, it is necessary to call the reader's attention to
the secret will of Cecil Rhodes. This will is printed on pp. 68 and 69, Vol.
I, Chapter VI, of "The Life of the Rt. Hon. Cecil Rhodes," by Sir Lewis
Mitchell, and reads as follows:
To and for the establishment, promotion and development of a secret society,
the true aim of which and object whereof shall be the extension of British
rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a system of emigration from the
United Kingdom and of colonization of British subjects of all lands where the
means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labor and enterprise, and
especially the occupation by British settlers of the entire continent of
Africa, the Holy Land, the Valley of the Euphrates, the Islands of Cyprus and
; the whole of South America and the Islands of the Pacific not heretofore
possessed by Great Britain, the whole of the Malay Archipelago, the ultimate
recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of the British
Empire; the inauguration of a system of Colonial representation in the
Imperial Parliament, which may tend to -weld together the disjointed members
of the Empire, and finally the foundation of so great a power as to hereafter
render wars impossible and promote the best interests of humanity.
Fourteen years later, in a letter to William T. Stead, dated August 19 and
September 3, 1891, Rhodes wrote as follows:
What an awful thought it is that if we had not lost America or if even now we
could arrange with the present members of the United States Assembly and our
own House of Commons the peace of the world is secured for all eternity. We
could hold your federal parliament five years at Washington and five years at
London. ("The Pan-Angles," by Sinclair Kennedy published by Longmans, Green
and Co., London and New York.)
Mr. Kennedy writes further on this subject as follows:
Not alone the federation of the Britannic nations, but the federation of the
whole Pan-Angle people is the end to be sought. Behind Rhodes' "greater union
in Imperial matters" lay his vision of a common government over all
English-speaking people. If we are to preserve our civilization and its
benefits to an individual civilization, we must avoid friction among
ourselves and take a united stand before the world. Only a common government
will insure this.
These words have a remarkable resemblance to a declaration made by the late
American Ambassador to Great Britain, the Hon. Whitelaw Reid, in a speech
delivered in London, July 17, 1902, when, speaking of Anglo-American
relations, he employed these significant words:
The time does visibly draw near when solidarity of race, if not. of
government, is to prevail.
The similarity of sentiments expressed by two persons of different race and
speaking at an interval of twelve years must strike anyone as deeply
significant. We have here an agreement in that respect between Cecil Rhodes,
Sinclair Kennedy and Whitelaw Reid. All three want a common government over
the Britannic nations and the United States
It is known that the millions left by Cecil Rhodes for the express object of
the "ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of
the British Empire," have been invested in such a manner as to carry out as
secretly as possible the purpose for which they were designed. Men may well
stand appalled at the working of the Rhodes poison in the veins of American
life.
To its fatal operation may be attributed the rise of societies to promote
Anglo-Saxon brotherhood, Pilgrim societies, movements to - celebrate the
centennary of English and American friendship (farcical as that pretension
is), the formation of peace treaties nominally most inclusive, but in reality
designed to benefit Great Britain, and the gradual elimination from our
public school books of all reference to the part played by England in our
history, English designs against this country and savagery against its
citizens, as well as all unpleasant diplomatic events between us and England
that have been of such frequent recurrence. To this influence may be
attributed the movement to ignore the Fourth of July and substitute the
Signing of the Magna Charta to be celebrated by American youths as the true
origin of our independence, as proposed by Andrew Carnegie in placards which
did, and possibly do yet adorn the walls of his free libraries. In the June
number of the "North American Review" for 1893, Mr. Carnegie employed the
following significant words:
Let men say what they will; I say that as surely as the sun in the heavens
once shone upon Britain and America united, so surely is it one morning to
rise, shine upon and greet again the reunited States--the British-American
Union.
Let us recall that it was Lord Bryce, the former British Ambassador to the
United States, who advocated:
"The recognition of a common citizenship, securing to the citizen of each, in
the country of the other, certain rights not enjoyed by others."
And that Lord Haldane, in a speech in Canada some years ago, broadly hinted
at an ultimate union of the two countries.
We find in "The Pan-Angles" of Mr. Kennedy a map of the world in which Great
Britain, Canada, Australia and the United States are represented in a uniform
color, to illustrate their solidarity. In the minds of the Pan-Angles the
vision of the great Cecil Rhodes, backed by his countless millions, is
approaching its realization. Rhodes held that "divine ideals, on which the
progress of mankind depended, were for the most part the moving influence, if
not the exclusive possession, of the Anglo-Saxon race, of which Great Britain
is the head." ("The Right Hon. Cecil Rhodes," by Sir Thos. E. Fuller, p. 243).
Rhodes' published will of July 1, 1899, has a broad provision for his
American propaganda in paragraph 16: "And whereas I also desire to encourage
and foster an appreciation of the advantages which I implicitly believe will
result from the union of the English-speaking people throughout the world,
and to encourage in the students from the United States of North America who
will benefit from the American Scholarships to be established at the
University of Oxford under my Will, an attachment to the country from which
they have sprung," etc.
The effect of the Rhodes American scholarship scheme was clearly set forth in
the "Saturday Evening Post" of July 13, 1912, wherein the writer says:
"Twenty years hence and forever afterward there will be between two and three
thousand men (Rhodes graduates) in the prime of life scattered over the
English-speaking world, each of whom will have had impressed upon his mind at
the most susceptible period the dreams of a union of our people."
In the "North American Review" for June, 1893, Mr. Carnegie already advocated
the subordination of our fiscal policy to that of England. He said:
"I do not shut my eyes to the fact that reunion, bringing free entrance of
British products, would cause serious disturbance to many manufacturing
interests near the Atlantic Coast which have been built up under the
protective tariff system. Judging from my knowledge of the American
manufacturers, there are few who would not gladly make the necessary
pecuniary sacrifices to bring about a reunion of the old home and the new."
In a like manner Mr. Carnegie spoke at Dundee, in 1890, and in the "North
American Review" he candidly stated: "National patriotism or pride cannot
prove a serious obstacle in the way of reunion.... The new nation would
dominate the world."
The war has blinded us to many issues that affect our political future. With
Lord Northcliffe admittedly in control of many important American papers,
there has been printed only what was approved in London, and suppressed
whatever menaced the peaceful pursuit of the policy of the proposed merger.
It cropped out in the draft of the League of Nations, rejected by the United
States Senate, which provided for six votes for Great Britain and her
colonies and only one vote for the United States on all questions to be
decided. Only a few Senators were alive to the danger, and the misguided
public was so reluctant to hear the truth that Senator Reed of Missouri, one
of the first to protest, was for a time repudiated by the leaders of his
party in his own State, and assailed on the platform, when he attempted to
speak in Oklahoma.
The movement to anglicise the United States is making rapid progress. It had
its inception in London and is conducted in this country under the auspices
of pronounced Anglophiles in the name of the "English-Speaking Union," headed
by former President Taft, with the following persons as, vice presidents:
George Haven Putnam chairman of the organization committee; Albert Shaw,
Ellery Sedgwick, George Wharton Pepper, John A. Stewart, Otto H. Kahn Charles
C. Burlingham, Charles P. Howland, R. Harold Paget, Edward Harding, the Rev.
Lyman P. Powell, E. H. Van Ingen, and Frank P. Glass. In London the
organization is called the Anglo-American Society. At a meeting held in that
city on June 26, 1919, presided over by Lord Bryce, an elaborate programme
was agreed upon to carry the propaganda into the United States and England.
To that end, Washington and the Puritan fathers, though the former headed the
rebellion against England and the latter fled its shores to escape
persecution, are to be employed as symbols of Anglo-American unity, and a
great number of festivities and memorials are included in the program, which
will develop in the course of the year. Preparations are now being made for
the 300th anniversary celebration of the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers.
A Sulgrave Institution has been organized--Sulgrave Manor being the ancestral
home of George Washington--which has raised $125,000 in England and is
raising a fund of $1,000,000 in this country. The use of the fund was
explained by John A. Stewart, chairman of the board of governors, who said it
was "to establish scholarships in English universities and later in this
country, and also to refit Sulgrave Manor." King George was one of the first
contributors to the English campaign, he said.
On June 28, 1919, the King of England sent by cable a message to the
President, in which he said:
Mr. President, it is on this day one of our happiest thoughts that the
American and British people, brothers in arms, will continue forever to be
brothers in peace. United before by language, traditions, kinship and ideals,
there has been set upon our fellowship the sacred seal of common sacrifice.
During the Paris peace conference the New York "Times" of February 13, 1919
in a Paris correspondence, declared that there was complete Anglo-American
concord, the program of the conference revealing a fundamental identity of
aims and the understanding between English-speaking peoples being never so
complete as today. Former Attorney General Wickersham took the lead in
proposing to remit England's enormous debt to us, explaining that we owe them
that much for "holding back the Huns," and the proposition has been received
with great favor by many of the 18,000 additional millionaires created by the
war, meaning, of course, that England's burden shall be transferred to the
shoulders of the American tax payers.
Among the advocates of the merger are General Pershing, Lord Balfour,
Chauncey M. Depew, James M. Beck, Lord Grey and the American bankers and
great industrials, like Charles M. Schwab. Surrounded by distinguished men of
England, General Pershing, in the Military Committee room of the House of
Commons, dwelt with special pathos on the proposed Anglo-Saxon brotherhood.
"I feel, that the discharged and demobilized soldiers will carry with them
into private life," he said, "the necessity for closer and firmer union, and
that we may be united as peoples likewise forever." Subsequently he was made
a Knight of the Bath by King George.
At a meeting of the Pilgrim Society in New York, January 22, 1919, James M.
Beck, recently made a "Bencher" in London, after reviewing England's
achievements in the war, said:
England's triumphs are our triumphs, and our triumphs are England's triumphs.
Lord Edward Grey, one of the principal figures in the events preceding and
throughout the war, was sent as ambassador to the United States to foster the
movement. Nominally, the movement is for the preservation of peace, which is
represented- as seriously imperiled from hour to hour unless the United States
and England unite. To this end there is to be "an exchange of journalists"
as well as scholars and professors.
"The Nation," speaking of an address by Admiral Sims at the American Luncheon
Club, on March 14, 1919, says:
Admiral Sims referred to his remarks at the Guildhall several years ago, when
he declared that Great Britain and the United States would be found together
in the next war. Further, he said that in 1910, while cruising in European
waters, he submitted a secret report that in his opinion war could not be put
off longer than four years. During the war a German diplomatic official
stated that there was an understanding between Great Britain and the United
States whereby they would stand together if either went to war with Germany.
A similar statement recently came to light in this country from a Dutch
source. Professor Roland G. Usher, in his "Pan-Germanism," explicitly
declares that, probably before the summer of the year 1897, "an understanding
was reached that in case of a war begun by Germany or Austria for the purpose
of executing Pan-Germanism, the United States would promptly declare in favor
of England and France, and would do her utmost to assist them." We do not
attach too great importance to any of these statements; yet we should like to
see this matter ventilated. If such an understanding was in force, did
President Wilson know of it before Mr. Balfour and M. Viviani made their
visit? Until three days before the war, the British Parliament knew nothing
of a secret engagement that bound them hand and foot to France, and had been
in force eight years, an engagement moreover, that not only eight weeks
before, they had been assured did not exist. Admiral Sims's remark gains
interest from the fact that the regular diplomatic technique of such
engagements is by way of "conversations" between military and naval attaches
of the coquetting governments. In his book called "How Diplomats Make War,"
Mr. Francis Neilson, a member of the war-Parliament, traces the course of the
military conversations authorized by the French and English Governments, and
shows their binding effect upon foreign policy. We should be much interested
in hearing from Admiral Sims again and we believe that a healthy and vigorous
public curiosity about this subject would by no means come amiss. ("Nation.")
The Lord High Chancellor, Viscount Finlay, after saying that "a wholly new
era has opened between England and America," remarked that he was now at
liberty to tell Ambassador Davis that it was he, as Attorney General, who had
drafted all the British notes exchanged with the United States, and went on
with a smile:
"Ambassador Page used to say to me, 'My dear friend, don't hurry with the
notes; they are not pressing.'"--New York "Globe."
How far has this alliance actually been realized by secret understandings? In
an article in the "Revue des Deux Mondes," in 1907, . Andre Tardieu, the
foreign editor of the Paris "Temps," accusing President Roosevelt of
partisanship for the German Emperor in the AIgeciras conference, distinctly
charged him with bad faith in this direction in view of the secret
understanding between the United States and England.
A formal treaty has not so far been arranged, but we may ask: In how far are
we involved in a policy looking to the abdication of our sovereignty as an
independent republic in view of statements such as were made unchallenged by
Prof. Roland G. Usher in his book, 'Pan-Germanism":
First, that in 1897 there was a secret understanding between this country,
England, France, and Russia, that in case of war brought on by Germany the
United States would do its best to assist its three allies.
Second, (page 151) that "certain events lead to the probability that the
Spanish-American war was created in order to permit the United States to take
possession of Spain's colonial possessions."
Third, that England possesses three immensely powerful allies --France,
Russia, and the United States. These he constantly speaks of as the
"Coalition."
Fourth, that the United States was not permitted by England and France to
build the Panama Canal until they were persuaded of the dangers of
Pan-Germanism.
In an interview published in the St. Louis "Star" of May 2, 1915, Prof..
Usher confirmed these statements by saying that a verbal alliance is in
existence between this country and the Allies.
Material support of the charge is furnished by the late British Secretary of
the Colonies, the Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, who, in a statement in Parliament
during the Boer war, referred to the treaty of alliance as "an. agreement, an
understanding, a compact, if you please."
On November 30 1899, Chamberlain delivered an epochal speech at Leicester
against France for some unseemly cartooning of Queen Victoria. In his speech
he threatened France with war and distinctly spoke of an Anglo-American
union: "The union between England and America is a powerful factor for
peace." (N. Murrel Morris, "Joseph Chamberlain, The Rt. Hon.", London, 1900,
Hutchinson & Co., publishers). Chamberlain further supported Prof. Usher in
the latter's assertion that the treaty was verbal, as a written treaty must
have the official sanction of the Senate. In this same Leicester speech, Mr.
Chamberlain declared:
To me it seems to matter little whether you have an alliance which is
committed to paper, or whether you have an understanding which exists in the
minds of the statesmen of the respective countries. An understanding perhaps
is better than an alliance, which may stereotype arrangements, which cannot
be accepted as permanent, in view of the changing circumstances from day to
day. (Morris.)
Cornelia Steketee Hulst, in her pamphlet, "Our Secret Alliance," quotes from
a speech of Chamberlain as follows:
I can go as far as to say that, terrible as war may be, even war itself would
be cheaply purchased if in a great and noble cause the Stars and Stripes and
the Union Jack should wave together in an Anglo-Saxon alliance.
Already the thought of a merger and the loss of our identity as a republic is
coursing in a dangerous form through the minds of the people. It has been
said that if a question is harped upon continuously for a sufficient period
that people will go to war for the mere sake of putting the question out of
their minds, and even now among the high and the low there is manifest a
supine, an ominous spirit of submission to the surrender of their political
independence rather than fight it as a form of open sedition.
The Rhodes trust fund and the Carnegie peace fund have their priests and
priestesses, witness the statement of Mrs. John Astor, chairman of the
American Red Cross in England, quoted in the New York "Times" of March 5,
1915: "An alliance of the English-speaking nations would be the greatest
ideal toward which to work." George Beer anticipated Mrs. Astor in the
"Forum" for May, 1915:
The only practical method is to embody the existing cordial feeling between
the United States and England in a more or less formal alliance, so that the
two countries can bring their joint influence and pressure to bear whenever
their common interests and political principles may be jeopardized.
In January, 1916, the late Joseph H. Choate, former ambassador to' Great
Britain, drank his memorable toast at a banquet of the Pilgrim Society:
"I now ask you to all rise and drink a good old loyal toast to the President
and the King."
The prevalence of such sentiments gives us something to ponder. The war has
been conducive to the propagation of seditious thought we were kept too busy
hunting down pro-Germans and imaginary spies to take heed of the intrigue
being prosecuted under the Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes. That great
constructive statesman was too practical to pursue an ignis fatuus; Mr.
Carnegie was too much like him in that respect to create an enormous fund
nominally for the preservation of peace, the interest on which, something
like $500,000 annually, is available to propagate the cause of Pan-Anglicism,
while in the meantime the Rhodes scholarships are filling American homes with
the apostles of his creed. Their tracks are easily found, and they will
become more frequent with the progress of time. Philipp Jourdan (John Lane
Company, New York, 1911) speaks of 100 scholarships for the United States "to
arouse love for England," and "to encourage in the students from the United
States an attachment for the country from which they sprung." (pp. 75 and
328).
What is good for Englishmen may seem good to Italians, French, Germans and
Russians. In 1911 many laughed at the thought that Uncle Sam could be drawn
into the European war and send several million American boys over to fight in
order to make the world safe for democracy, but Colonial Secretary
Chamberlain, had he lived his normal span of years, would have seen the
"Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack" waving over something very near akin
to his cherished Anglo-Saxon alliance. (See "Propaganda.")
Canada is being used to a great extent as a means of carrying out insidious
projects against the United States. For a number of years special inducements
have been offered Americans to settle in Canada, and large areas of farm land
are in the hands of American immigrants. During the war many of these were
compelled, in order to hold their property, to forswear their American
citizenship, and many more served in the Canadian army as part of the British
colonial forces. They were treated as colonials subject to British
jurisdiction.
A project of more far-reaching extent is embodied in the movement to divert
western traffic from New York to Montreal. The Canadian government has shown
a tenacious purpose in this enterprise and is enthusiastically supported by
the West and Northwest. It has promised to make seaports of the cities of the
Great Lakes, from which vessels can go direct to Montreal and from there find
an outlet to the Atlantic without reloading their cargoes. The object is to
be accomplished by improving the Welland Canal and the cutting of a 30-foot
channel in the St. Lawrence River. The Welland Canal connects Lake Erie with
Lake Ontario, and its locks are to be increased 800 feet in length, 80 feet in
breadth and 30 in depth. Those of our own barge canal are only 30 feet deep.
The western chambers of commerce are enthusiastically in favor of the
Canadian project, in view of the commercial advantage to be gained from this
enterprise for a large area of western territory. It is probable that it will
go into effect, and Americans will build up Canada at the expense of their
own country.
pp.195-203
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
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