The result of the April-May 2009 General Elections to the 15th Lok Sabha has 
proved that Indian psephologists and media pundits on Indian politics, 
particularly from the electronic media, are worse than astrologers. But like 
astrologers even after they err they righteously peddle their wrongs as rights, 
and d keep the viewers in their shibboleth. As this is an integral part of 
their disingenuous commercial and survival strategy, the less said, the better.


There have been complaints about election rigging. As this is nothing new, 
India has not had violence and mayhem as Iran witnessed recently. All the same 
the complaints cannot be taken lightly.

In an Op-Ed “Dangers of trusting them too much” in The New Indian Express of  
29 May 2009, reproduced with minor modifications as another Op-Ed “Are 
electronic voting machines tamper-proof?” in The Hindu of 17 June 2009,  
Subramanian Swamy wrote:

Is there a possibility of rigging electoral outcomes in a general election to 
the Lok Sabha? This question has arisen not only because of the unexpected 
number of seats won or lost by some parties in the recent contest. It is 
accentuated by the recent spate of articles published in reputed computer 
engineering journals and in the popular international press, which raise doubts 
about the integrity of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs).

Why are the EVMs so vulnerable? Swamy’s explanation is important:

 Each step in the life cycle of a voting machine — from the time it is 
developed and installed to when the votes are recorded and the data transferred 
to a central repository for tallying — involves different people gaining access 
to the machines, often installing new software. It wouldn’t be hard for, say, 
an election official to paint a parallel programme under another password on 
one or many voting machines that would, before voters arrived at the poll 
stations, ensure a pre-determined outcome.

Swamy’s article is of huge political relevance in India, as evident from his 
own claims:

The Election Commission of India has known of these dangers since 2000. Dr M. 
S. Gill, the then CEC, had arranged at my initiative for Professor Sanjay 
Sarma, the father of RFID software fame at the Massachusetts Institute of 
Technology (MIT), and his wife Dr Gitanjali Swamy of Harvard, to demonstrate 
how unsafeguarded the chips in EVMs were. Some changes in procedure were made 
subsequently by the EC. But the fundamental flaws, which made them compliant to 
hacking, remained.

In 2004, the Supreme Court’s First Bench, comprising Chief Justice V. N. Khare 
and Justices Babu and Kapadia, directed the Election Commission to consider the 
technical flaws in EVMs put forward by Satinath Choudhary, a U.S.-based 
software engineer, in a PIL. But the EC has failed to consider his 
representation.

Now several High Courts are hearing PILs on the EVMs. This is good news. I 
believe the time has arrived for the Supreme Court to transfer these cases to 
itself, and take a long, hard look at these riggable machines that favour a 
ruling party that can ensure a pliant Election Commission. Else, elections will 
soon lose their credibility and the demise of democracy will be near. Hence 
evidence must now be collected by all political parties to determine the number 
of constituencies in which they suspect rigging. The number will not exceed 75, 
in my opinion. We can identify them as follows: any 2009 general election 
result in which the main losing candidate of a recognised party found that more 
than 10 per cent of the polling booths showed fewer than five votes per booth 
should be taken, prima facie, as a constituency in which rigging took place. 
This is because the main recognised parties usually have more than five party 
workers per booth, and hence with their families will poll a minimum of 25 
votes per booth for their party candidate. If these 25 voters can give 
affidavits affirming who they voted for, the High Court can treat this as 
evidence and order a full inquiry.

If the cases are transferred to the Supreme Court, in adjudicating them time is 
the essence. If the court deals with them in its usual lackadaisical style 
Swamy’s prophesy of doom, that is, elections soon losing their credibility and  
the demise of democracy will be near, may turn out to be a reality.

Apart from the question of the reliability of the EVM, in several places there 
were attempts amounting to large-scale riggings by blatant bribing of the 
electorate (A 500 rupees note with each election coupon, as the DMK did in 
Tamil Nadu, which might have happened in other states well; free distribution 
of sarees, free flow of liquor, and so on). When the other sordid and unsavory 
issues mentioned in the column last week are added to this, we get a murky 
scenario somewhat similar to that in Iran. If we have not taken to streets and 
violence it may be because our commitment to democracy and good governance is 
only skin-deep.

Having said the above, as “innocent till proven guilty” is the principle of 
democratic countries, till any legal miracle happens, with or without the 
conjurer’s hat of Swamy, the Congress and its allies in the UPA should be given 
the benefit of doubt and their victory should not be seen as Pyrrhic.

Viewed thus, do we see anything positive in the new ministry at the Centre? The 
answer is yes and no. Yes, because with 206 MPs, Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan 
Singh, is much less hamstrung than in the preceding five years; can work with 
more ease, confidence, and lead his Cabinet from the front which he probably 
did not do in his last avatar as Prime Minister.

That apart, on the positive side, he has managed to have a reasonably committed 
and well-informed team. They may be Congress (read Sonia) sycophants; yet they 
are capable of doing their work without succumbing to the lure of lucre, which 
in any case, some of them have aplenty.

Arjun Singh as HRD minister was a millstone round Manmohan Singh’s neck. He has 
already caused a lot of damage to India’s education system, by dabbling in 
reservation politics, dividing India’s youth, turning education into commerce 
and greed, and so on. Kapil Sibal, known for his integrity, no-nonsense 
approach to issues – that too with a sense of humour -, and commitment to 
turning India into a knowledge society, should first clean up the Augean 
Stables of the HRD ministry, address the issue of corruption and sleaze in the 
education sector, review the merit and working of the reservation system, 
working of the entire UGC set up, and ensure access to quality education to 
every desirable youth in the country. For doing this he should see education as 
a continuum from primary to the higher – a ladder from the gutter to the 
University.

Some of the politicians and sections of the media have attributed the 
unexpected electoral gains of the UPA to the loan waiver in the agricultural 
sector and NREGA  (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act). The offer of loan 
waiver  was wise more in the nature of being wise  after the event, a sort of 
crisis management after avoidable tragedies, namely,  farmers’ suicide, and is 
not a solution to the root cause of the agrarian criss. The concerned minister 
should now think in terms of land or agrarian reforms  and regulate the role of 
MNCs in the agrarian sector., so as to prevent farmers getting into debt traps 
rather than compensating for their suicide. The NREGA, though touted as the 
flagship programme of the UPFA, is still at the level of tokenism, fraught with 
corruption and red tape and is more part of the survivalo strategy  of the poor 
than real a development activity. Its working also need to be reviewed and 
modified.

In the Presidential address to both Houses of Parliament, Pratibha Patil had 
indicated the agenda for the first 100 days of the UPA. What she said is not 
gospel; and there is nothing sacrosant about the first “100 days”. It is part 
of the ritual of any Presidential address. But inclusionof the Women’s 
Reservation Bill in it is a red herring.

While that needs separate discussion, if the UPA ministry has to remain clean, 
deliver good and corruption-free governance, it should do away with politics of 
accommodation or rather politics of arm-twisting and exploitation as the DMK 
President, Karunanidhi has been doing so unabashedly, to whose pressures the 
UPA has succumbed. This has been a major negative and nagging aspect of the UPA 
ministry.

One possibility to overcfome this is reviewing the DMK ministers’ work for the 
100 days, yes, the first 100 days of the Presidential address, dump them if 
they are found lacking in national perspective or competence, and punish them 
if they are really “tainted”. 

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