Now into its fifth year, controversial anti-Naxalite campaign Salwa Judum is
transforming into a “non-cooperation movement” in the tribal Bastar region
of Chhattisgarh with its top activists changing strategy from direct
conflict to creating awareness among tribals to isolate the rebels. Senior
Congress leader Mahendra Karma, a frontline anti-Naxalite campaign leader
who stood with the ruling BJP in its fight against the rebels, speaks to
Joseph John about the changing face of Salwa Judum.



Salwa Judum observed its fifth foundation day on June 5. For the past
two-and-a-half years, there have been virtually no activities like rallies
or public meetings on the ground in Bastar. What is the future of this
movement?



After serious thought, we have changed the decision on how to go about our
campaign against the Maoists. A new strategy has been worked out during the
foundation day meetings where it was decided that anti-Naxal campaign
activists would visit the villages and make the people aware that they
should not extend any cooperation to the Naxalites. We don’t want any direct
fight or conflict. We want to create such awareness so that the villagers
themselves will request the Maoists with folded hands: “Let us be, leave us
to our conditions”. This non-cooperation campaign is in its preliminary
stage and is confined to few villages. It will be gradually extend to other
Naxalite affected villages.



What prompted Salwa Judum to change its strategy?



The objective of Salwa Judum is to isolate the Maoists and continues to
remain the same. Only the strategy and action plan to achieve this goal has
changed. Whether it is in Bastar or in West Bengal’s Lalgarh, Maoists thrive
on support from the local people — who provide them food and shelter and
also attend their meetings — either due to fear or other reasons. Naxalites
cannot take a single step forward without local support. This campaign for
non-cooperation is to strike at the root of the problem and finally isolate
the rebels.



What went wrong with the previous form of Salwa Judum —which started in June
2005 as a spontaneous movement against Maoists and later became
controversial?



As such, there is nothing wrong with Salwa Judum. We, being from Bastar, are
well aware about the Naxal network, their over ground wings functioning in
the guise of NGOs and other so-called pro-people and human rights outfits —
who enjoy considerable influence in the media. While they unleashed a
systematic campaign to defame Salwa Judum and made it controversial, both
the state Government and the anti-Naxalite campaign activists could not
match their propaganda skills. I have no qualms in admitting that the
propaganda by the Maoists and their supporters was a complete success. Yet,
Salwa Judum has been successful in challenging the authority of the Maoists
and to a great extent uprooting their support base. The rebels retaliated
with violence and killings, putting the civil administration under
tremendous pressure. It was what the rebels wanted and they succeeded in
creating an atmosphere of fear.



You mean to say that it’s the end of the road for the original form of Salwa
Judum?



I don’t think so. It’s passing though a phase of stagnation as this peoples’
movement did not get the proper backing from the Government in terms of
development initiatives in Bastar. Any such campaign has to be promptly
backed with development which has to be periodically reviewed so as to win
the confidence of the masses. Besides, Salwa Judum did not get unanimous
support of all political parties.



Being a top anti-Naxalite campaign activist, do you think that a peoples’
movement — like the Salwa Judum — was essential to counter rebels in all
Naxal affected states?



As I said, whether it is in Bastar, Lalgarh, or any other region, Maoists
always try to keep the local people with them, projecting themselves as
their well-wishers. Every state has to ensure active involvement of the
people — both in the campaign against Maoists as well as in development of
the area — to bring about a change in the attitude of the people of the
problem areas. Once the rebels lose their core support base, it is the end
of the game for them.



State Govt records show good response to National Rural Employment Guarantee
Scheme (NREGS) in Bastar. Did NREGS make any difference in problem areas of
Bastar?



Being the implementing agency for centrally sponsored schemes, it is not a
difficult task for the state Government to claim credit for good work under
schemes like NREGS. Many such schemes are being implemented in non-Naxal
affected villages. As NREGS has proved its potential in generating jobs, an
effort is required to take such schemes to villagers where they are actually
required. The state Government has to take development to the Naxal affected
areas.



Indian Express / 25 June 2009

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