From: "Francisco Javier Bernal" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> [EMAIL PROTECTED]> Japanese CP, An Interview: JCP Chair Fuwa discusses party policies and activities ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Japanese Communist Party, 09.02.2001 <http://www.jcp.or.jp>http://www.jcp.or.jp , mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] ================================================================== An Interview: JCP Chair Fuwa discusses party policies and activities [2001.2.9] Akahata on February 9 published an interview with Fuwa Tetsuzo, Central Committee chairman of the Japanese Communist Party by Heinz Stehr, chairman of the German Communist Party (DKP). Chair Stehr asked Chair Fuwa for an interview for Unsere Zeit (DKP organ paper) when they met during the JCP 22nd Congress last November. Questions were sent later from the DKP to the JCP. In 1998, a DKP representative visited Japan to study JCP activities. He edited a book introducing the JCP Program, its Constitution, and theoretical orientation, which was published in June 1999. The following interview is a translation of the text published by Akahata. In the 22nd Party Congress, the JCP decided that it should be more open to the people. What does this mean in concrete terms? About 40 years ago, in 1961, the Japanese Communist Party established the present political line in the JCP Program. At the time, the JCP's vote-getting strength in the parliamentary elections was about one million. Since then our activities have been guided by the Program. The JCP has steadily advanced to the point where we can receive seven to eight million votes in parliamentary elections. By furthering these advances through increased discussions with tens of millions of people, we will form a national majority that will realize a new politics. In the recent JCP Congress, we stressed the importance of carrying out activities that are clearer to the public, bearing in mind that the need is for us to be in the nation's majority. By activities which are clearer to the people, we mean that we make every effort to determine the party's policies and guidelines primarily based on the best interests of the majority of the people; to reach out to not only party supporters but people of various political orientations and have discussions with them; and to explain party policies to make ourselves understood even by those who have little knowledge of the JCP. This is exactly the point we emphasized most when we revised the JCP Constitution in the 22nd Congress. The present political situation in Japan involves critical factors, as it is confirmed by the political instability that has occurred during the 1990s alone. The call for a new politics in the interests of the people to replace long-standing LDP politics is increasing day by day in Japanese society. We are confident that JCP policies for progressive change in politics are in accord with the interests of the majority of the people. We are putting a lot of effort into activities to win over the majority of the people in support of remaking Japan, so as to envisage the way for establishing a democratic government in the early part of the 21st century. Japan's mainstream media also paid a great deal of attention to the change in the JCP's position towards Japan's Self-Defense Forces (SDF). How do you define this new position? The Japanese Constitution has a notable provision (Article 9) banning Japan from maintaining military forces, meaning it can never have a standing army. The JCP believes that Article 9 is very significant in that it will pave the way for Japan's peaceful future and make a unique contribution to world peace. Japan's "Self-Defense Forces "are actually military forces. They were founded in the 1950s in disregard of the constitutional ban and have been growing in strength for many years. Their unconstitutionality is now very serious as Japan has become the world's second largest power in terms of military expenditure, in spite of the Constitution banning Japan from having a standing army. The JCP has consistently made it clear that the SDF are unconstitutional and demanded an end to this situation and a full implementation of Article 9 of the Constitution, meaning dissolving the SDF. On the question of the Constitution and the SDF, the JCP is the only political party in Japan to clearly commit itself to a principled position. At the JCP 22nd Congress we decided to call for not only the dissolution of the SDF as a future goal in general terms but a stage-by-stage approach toward completely dissolving the SDF at the earliest possible time in the 21st century. We are putting forward the following three steps: Step One: Under the present LDP government, we oppose sending the SDF abroad or any adverse revision of the Constitution, and call for disarmament; Step Two: When a democratic government is established, the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty (military alliance with the United States) will be abrogated. Correspondingly, we also carry out reform of the SDF and put disarmament measures into effect step by step; Step Three: National consensus building will be pursued towards the disbanding of the SDF, while at the same time Japan contributes to building peaceful international relations in Asia through our independent diplomacy for peace. Of course in these processes there will be a transitional period in which the SDF continue to exist even after a democratic government is established. The JCP Congress decision makes it clear that if, during the transitional period a situation arises in which the SDF are called upon to play the role of defending the security of the Japanese people, the SDF would be used. In fact, considering that this was a new point raised by us, the mass media focused a great deal of attention on it. The point is that the JCP has expounded its proposal on the path towards the dissolution of the SDF, including what is to be done during the transitional period. In revising the JCP Constitution, the JCP removed the part that can be interpreted as defining itself as the leading force in a future society. What was the JCP's thought that was behind this position towards society? We have removed the words "vanguard political party" from the revised JCP. It was a definition that the JCP used historically. However, the word "vanguard" is liable to cause people to perceive that the JCP regards itself as the leading organization of the people, and the people as being led by the JCP. The recent revision is significant in rooting out only misunderstandings of that kind. We believe that the JCP has to play an important role in Japanese society and in Japanese people's movements. It is a role which the JCP can assume, but we do not mean to order the people or impose our ideas on the people. The tasks to be carried out by the JCP are provided in the revised Constitution as follows: "Standing for the principle that 'the people are sovereign' since its founding, the party is conscious of its responsibility for striving to realize the keen interests of the people, promote social progress, and play an enlightened and indomitable role in Japanese society. Its ultimate objective is to realize a community of truly equal and free human relations, free of exploitation, and free of any forms of oppression or war." In defining the JCP's role, the JCP Constitution states that the party has as its objective to safeguard the people's interests and promote social progress. It is also important to note that the role of the JCP is characterized by the following two aspects: (1) perseverance in the face of any persecution or attacks, and (2) foresight and enlightenment to scientifically see through the future of society and the movement. The JCP is a mass political party which has established its strong base in many important extra-parliamentary activities. What is the development of the JCP like today? How do you unify your parliamentary and extra-parliamentary activities? The relationship between parliamentary and extra-parliamentary activities has various aspects and factors. Let me mention two things which we are emphasizing. One is day-to-day activities JCP branches are carrying out. The branch is basically organized in localities, workplaces and on campuses. The JCP has about 26,000 branches throughout the country. Their routine task is to help develop the JCP throughout efforts to increase party membership and organ paper readership as their main activities, while carrying out activities to realize public demands in localities, workplaces, or on campuses, to which they have responsibility. Grassroots activities carried out by JCP branches constitute the JCP's most fundamental extra-parliamentary activities. The other is our activities in local assemblies. The JCP is the fourth largest among the seven major political parties in the number of Dietmembers. In the number of local assembly members, the JCP in the early 1990s overtook the Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) to become number one. Today, the JCP holds the distinguished first position among the major political parties with some 900 more local assembly members than the LDP. The number of local assembly members of each political party as of the end of 1999 is as follows: JCP 4,452; LDP 3,538; Komei Party 3,195; Social Democratic Party 887; and Democratic Party of Japan 823. The JCP, with its largest share in local assemblies, plays an important role in combining its parliamentary and extra-parliamentary activities. The JCP is working in a highly developed country. The election results reflect the people's trust in the party. What brings new members into the JCP? Why do they join the party and subscribe to the newspaper Akahata? First, the JCP's policies aimed at "remaking Japan" reflect the broad range of the interests and demands of the people. In this, the JCP Program's political line plays a major role; it defines the immediate revolution in Japan as a democratic revolution against the rule of U.S. imperialism and Japanese monopoly capital and establishes as the JCP's basic direction, which is "democratic reform within the framework of capitalism." A large number of people who have been adversely afflicted by LDP policies are now beginning to appreciate these JCP policies as something that shows a way for them to live their lives. This motivates many people to join the party or subscribe to the newspaper Akahata. Second, JCP history is an important factor. Japan under the rule of the Emperor rushed into the war of aggression, while within the country imposing a despotic rule of militarism and repressive policies that denied democracy and basic human rights. The only political party that opposed the regime at the time, the JCP stood firmly for democracy based on the principle that the people are sovereign, and for peace against wars of aggression in defiance of persecution. After World War II, when the Soviet Union and China's Mao Zedong group launched flagrant and extensive attacks against the JCP in an attempt to impose their policies, the JCP steadfastly defended its sovereign independence and defeated those attacks. This is a well-known historical fact. No other political parties in Japan have been as independent-minded as the JCP vis-a-vis outside interference. JCP history thus provides a significant basis for our activities to defeat different attacks from anticommunist forces and get the party trusted by a wider range of people. Third, I want to point out that there is public accord with and support for the JCP's style as a political party. -- Cleanliness: The JCP counts on no political donations from corporations and other organizations or on tax money in unjustifiable government subsidies distributed among all the other political parties. The JCP manages its finances with party dues, income from its organ papers, and donations by individuals. -- Honesty: The JCP keeps its promises to the people. -- Consistency: Unlike most other political parties which are engaging in splits and mergers, the JCP maintains political consistency under the same banner. -- Reaching out: The JCP establishes branches throughout the country and reach out to the people from different walks of life through day-to- day activities. The JCP as it is actually seen in society is an important factor for attracting the people, as many commentators point out. This is the last question. You repeatedly referred to how important it is for the JCP and the German Communist Party to have good relations. How and when will you accept the invitation by the German Communist Party to visit our country? That might actually be the most difficult question. Chairman Heinz Stehr offered this invitation to me during the JCP 22nd Congress. I thanked him for the invitation and explained my circumstances. I would like to repeat what I said to him. I have a deep interest in and feelings of solidarity with Germany, the country where Marx and Engels were born, as well as with the German Communist Party working there. I have a strong desire to find an opportunity to visit Germany and have exchanges with you. But as regards the dates when this can be fulfilled, I hope you will put them in a longer view. We have here in Japan frequent elections and a tight political schedule, and it is therefore very difficult for us to draw up a plan to visit Europe. In the decade of the 1990s, I failed to have an opportunity to visit any country in Europe. If the situation allows me in the future to make a plan to visit Europe, I certainly will include Germany in the plan in response to your invitation. (end) Many Japanese Communist Party documents which have been translated into English are provided by Japan Press Service Co. Ltd. The Central Committee of the Japanese Communist Party 4-26-7 Sendagaya,Shibuya-ku,Tokyo 151-8586, E-mail:[EMAIL PROTECTED] © .JCP *End* _________________________________________________ KOMINFORM P.O. Box 66 00841 Helsinki Phone +358-40-7177941 Fax +358-9-7591081 http://www.kominf.pp.fi General class struggle news: [EMAIL PROTECTED] subscribe mails to: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Geopolitical news: [EMAIL PROTECTED] subscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] __________________________________________________
