The Arab Spring and Russian Policy in the Middle East
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Tuesday, 20 September 2011 04:22 Zvi Magen 

 
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In what perhaps can be heralded as a turning point in Russia's Middle East
policy, seemingly coordinated statements have recently been sounded in
important settings and the media by senior Russian figures (leading experts
on the Middle East, politicians, and even the president himself). These
statements have included criticism of the revolutionary process underway in
the Middle East, portrayed as fundamentally negative and rife with risks for
both regional and global stability. According to these pronouncements, the
Arab spring gradually evolved into an Islamic summer by paving the way for
the rise to power of forces from the radical Islamic camp in an essentially
irreversible process.

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In the view of these figures, while these unforeseen revolutions were
jumpstarted among the younger generation by socioeconomic reasons and
demands for political freedom, the younger generation does not have the
power to maintain the revolutions' achievements. The reins of government
will be assumed by organized systems that joined the opposition to existing
regimes, including many Islamic elements that are already poised to take
advantage of the situation and are soon expected to reach influential
positions in the respective countries. According to the Russians, democracy
does not stand a chance in Middle Eastern countries, characterized as they
are by archaic societies. Future regimes can be expected to be
anti-democratic and primarily Islamic in nature. Thus, these figures predict
doom and gloom for most of the region's states, and the process underway is
one that in their opinion cannot be stopped. There is a wistful longing for
the previous regimes, as corrupt and authoritarian as they were,
particularly for their stability and anti-Islamic stances. Likely future
regimes will at best follow the Turkish model, or in a worst case scenario,
the Iranian.

According to the Russians, this reality has dire consequences for regional
and even global orders. The situation is likely to be influenced by the
negative changes in Turkey, portrayed as striving relentlessly to
reconstruct the Ottoman Empire, and the Iranian nuclear program, which
apparently cannot be stopped and may be expected to be complete in 2-3
years. This has serious implications for international stability, especially
since additional nations in the region will work to attain nuclear power. In
turn the international arms control regime is likely to collapse - a
potential development that incurs major ramifications. In such a reality,
the Islamic forces likely to assume power will not be partners to a dialogue
with the international community, rather will strive to realize their own
geopolitical ambitions.

In this context the international system emerges as inefficient, if not
impotent. International organizations such as the UN and NATO have failed to
confront the evolving risk and therefore enjoy less importance. The United
States is portrayed as losing its influence both in the Middle East and in
the international arena. Europe too is retreating under Islamic attack, and
sooner or later Islam will overpower it from within. With the West declining
both in the Middle East and in the world at large, Islam is set to prevail
over the West.

This new apocalyptic Russian scenario is surprising, given that until
recently Russia appeared as a friend and defender of the nations of the
Middle East, including those with Islamic regimes, and various radical
organizations (including, for example, members of the axis of evil). Russia
has displayed evident support for the collapsing regimes of the Middle East
and has labored to preserve the status quo, including its attempt to impede
Western involvement in Libya and even more so in Syria. In addition, it
enjoys positive relations with Turkey and special relations with Iran. Its
warm relations with the Palestinians include support in the United Nations
and support for Hamas.

At the same time, already from the start of the revolutionary process in the
Middle East, Russia has, in its ambivalent way, worked to establish
cooperation with the new regimes and elements of the opposition, by laying
the groundwork for relations with what will likely be the region's future
regimes. For example, alongside sweeping support for Asad's regime, Moscow
hosted a delegation of the Syrian opposition.

Although one mustn't dismiss the possibility that the pessimistic assessment
is an accurate reflection of prevalent opinion among Russia's political
echelon, the notion that the statements reflect a coherent policy program
should also be questioned. Indeed, it seems that in Russia there is no
unanimity of opinion regarding Middle East policy. One can cite the dispute
of some months ago, which spilled over into the media, between Russian
President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin (an unusual event in and of
itself) regarding sanctions against Libya - an example of differences of
opinion on the question of Russia's foreign policy. Therefore, the picture
presented above may reflect a rift in the Russian establishment and is not
the result of a national assessment that obligates specific operational
conclusions, and is rather supported by only some of the elements within the
establishment or elements with a political axe to grind. A different
explanation is also possible, whereby we are witnessing the making of a new
reality, and the picture broadcast by the Russian spokespeople reflects true
concern that Russian interests in the region might be damaged.

Overall, then, the situation assessment presented raises the following
question: given the complex reality emerging in the Middle East, is Russia
really harboring a sense of reduced prospects for rebuilding itself as a
superpower with influence in the region?

It seems that the opposite is the case. In place of the foothold it is
losing in the Middle East, Russia is working to consolidate a new camp of
supporters. The road to that end goes through anti-Western rhetoric; all of
Russia's new visions and perspectives presented above amount to little more
than a challenge to the West. By way of an apocalyptic scenario unfolding in
the Middle East, the West is portrayed as the entity that failed to curb the
Islamic threat because of its botched regional policy and its current
weakening on the international scene. If so, the theory holds, it is time to
allow the one remaining "responsible adult," i.e., Russia, to handle the
attempt to stabilize the region.

The Institute for National Security Studies
<http://www.inss.org.il/publications.php?cat=21&incat=&read=5509>  (INSS) is
an independent academic institute that studies key issues relating to
Israel's national security and Middle East affairs. Through its mixture of
researchers with backgrounds in academia, the military, government, and
public policy, INSS is able to contribute to the public debate and
governmental deliberation of leading strategic issues and offer policy
analysis and recommendations to decision makers and public leaders, policy
analysts, and theoreticians, both in Israel and abroad. As part of its
mission, it is committed to encourage new ways of thinking and expand the
traditional contours of establishment analysis.

 



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