Jim Devine
Fri, 15 Dec 2000 11:01:17 -0800
Charlie wrote:
>Gil Skillman asked where my book From Capitalism to Equality "address[es]
>my argument" made several years ago. The answer is, nowhere directly,
>since the book is about economic reality, not a debate of economic theories....
The debate that happened years ago on pen-l (back when I started
participating), if I remember correctly, concerned Gil's argument that Marx
made a mistake when he asserted that surplus-value can't be appropriated by
capitalists merely by exchange.
Again if my memory serves me well, Gil sees M-M' (M' > M) as possible on
the macroeconomic level even without M-C ... P ... C'-M' (an exploitative
production process) somewhere in the system, so that a capitalist can
garner profits even without any subjection ("subsumption") of workers in
the production process. In my view, on the other hand, Marx was right: if a
pure money-lender or a pure merchant capitalist is able to get a profit, it
represents a _redistribution_ from either an industrial capitalist who
organizes M' > M in his or her production process (using direct supervision
and the threat of the reserve army of the unemployed) or from some
non-capitalist dominator who uses overt force to extort surplus-labor from
the direct producers. The cases of usury or merchant capitalist activity
that involve the actual production of surplus-value aren't pure cases,
since they are mixed with either capitalist or non-capitalist subjection
and exploitation of workers. In early capitalism (and even today in many
places), usurers, merchants, and political functionaries form a power bloc
(or are united in the same individual) so that they can put enough
extra-economic force on the direct producer to extort the production of a
surplus-product even without direct supervision. (If you don't pay the vig
to the usurer, his torpedo Vinnie will come apply extra-economic force to
your legs or your house will burn down "by accident.")
I present most of my argument in a somewhat neoclassical way in Bill
Dugger's book, INEQUALITY: RADICAL INSTITUTIONALIST VIEWS ON RACE, GENDER,
CLASS, AND NATION (Greenwood: 1996). Rather than get into the details, I
think that interested people should read that.
Though I think Marx's method is highly superior to NC economics for
understanding how a societal system like capitalism works, I think that his
theory can be explained in a neoclassical way, as in the article just
cited. The difference is that Marx starts with the view that capitalism is
an interconnected totality (a method well-explained by Levins & Lewontin,
BTW, in their DIALECTICAL BIOLOGIST), while the NC types start from the
individual level, with individual decisions and almost always go no
further. (Even when they do go further, the parts -- the individuals -- are
presumed to be more fundamentally "real" than the whole. In jargon,
individuals are "ontologically prior" to the whole.)
I think one can understand individual decisions under capitalism pretty
well if one first understands that such decisions within the context
explained in volume I of CAPITAL, the big picture of capitalist social
relations. In volume III of CAPITAL, as in much of Charlie's book,
common-sense concepts of individual choice are applied, such as those
behind the tendency toward equalization of profit rates between sectors and
even opportunity cost. One of the reasons I like Charlie's book is that he
combines the levels of the totality and the individual well. (BTW, I should
post my disagreements with that book. But who has the time to re-read it?)
If I understand him correctly, Gil follows the methodological individualism
of the orthodox economists, the NC school. Thus, he argues that Marx
commits the "fallacy of division" (that of reasoning from the property of
the whole to properties of the parts). I think that even though Marx was
not as clear about his method as he should have been, he was deliberately
talking about the whole or totality of capitalism in volume I, so that when
he refers to individual capitals there, he's talking about an average or
representative capital that's representing overall class relations. That
is, he's not actually talking about an individual capital, so he can't fall
for the fallacy of division. On the other hand, I think that NC economics
and Gil suffer from the fallacy of composition (that of reasoning from the
properties of an individual to those of the societal totality).
But I don't think it's worth our time to dwell on the debate (especially
when I have to $#%^*@!! grade exams). The important thing here is that
different methodological commitments lead to different understandings. I
had hoped that Charlie's book was clear enough that Gil would be able to
transcend the methodological gap, to be able to see how capitalism can be
analyzed in a non-NC way.
BTW, Justin, this is one of the reasons why issues of method are important.
Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] & http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine