pen-l  

[Pen-l] Wall Street's Obama Investment

Louis Proyect
Mon, 30 Aug 2010 06:16:54 -0700

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/david-bromwich/wall-streets-obama-invest_b_470234.html
Wall Street's Obama Investment

by David Bromwich
Professor of Literature at Yale

A remarkable passage of John Heilemann and Mark Halperin's Game 
Change has not drawn the attention it deserves. Near the end of 
the book, the authors discuss a series of conversations in 
September-October 2008 -- just after the demise of Lehman Brothers 
-- between Barack Obama and the financial counselors of the Bush 
administration: Bernanke, Paulson, and others. The talks were 
initiated by Obama. Once the contact was there, he did not let go.

Here is the relevant paragraph of Game Change (pp. 380-81):

     Obama was talking regularly with Fed chair Ben Bernanke and 
daily, sometimes more often, with Paulson. The treasury secretary 
was astonished by the candidate's level of engagement. On one 
occasion, Obama kept his plane on the tarmac for a half hour after 
the final event of his day, with a long flight ahead of him, so he 
could finish a conversation with Paulson. On another, Obama called 
Paulson late at night at home and spent two hours discussing the 
intricate details of regulatory reform. As much as the 
substantiveness of the discussions struck Paulson, so did their 
sobriety and maturity. I'll be there publicly for you at any time, 
Obama told him. I'm going to be president, and I don't want to 
inherit a financial system that's collapsed.

Obama has been true to his word. He has been there for them 
publicly at any time. He has supported their story of the collapse 
(a story without villains, and almost without actors) and accepted 
their recommendations on the proper limits of the remedy.

The phone call with Paulson on the tarmac is only an incident, of 
course; but it leads directly to the climax of Game Change: the 
bipartisan White House summit called by John McCain -- an 
emergency meeting on the economy, at which McCain's dismal 
performance marked the end of his hopes for victory in November. 
Heilemann and Halperin strengthen the lights and shadows by 
remarking a contrast between McCain's apathetic demeanor and the 
perfect command exhibited on this occasion by Barack Obama. He had 
prepared in an obvious way, arranging with Democratic lawmakers to 
speak for the party -- something McCain neglected to do with 
Republicans. But we now know that Obama did more than perform 
well; he took over the meeting. It was he who eventually said (as 
if from the chair): "Can I hear from Senator McCain?"

Obama's self-possession and exquisite timing -- not consistent 
traits of his political character -- had a traceable source. He 
had been schooled for anything that might come at the White House 
by his conversations with Bernanke, Paulson and the rest. As for 
President Bush, his attitude toward McCain appears to have been a 
mixture of bafflement and irritation; it seems likely, on the 
evidence offered by Heilemann and Halperin, that he wanted Obama 
to be his successor. But that is another and perhaps a smaller story.

One explanation of the Obama-Paulson talks is suggested by Thomas 
Ferguson's "investment theory of party competition." Indeed, that 
theory unassisted will account for much of what we have seen in 
the new president's fiscal and economic policies. Big money tends 
to buy the winning candidate, and the buyers get what they paid 
for. The banks and the investment houses convincingly supported 
Obama over McCain, and in the process spent more money than has 
ever gone to a single candidate. It is only because the 
Republicans are covetous of taking Wall Street back from Obama 
that they have stayed clear of the usual target of populism, the 
conduct and mores of Wall Street itself.

There can be no doubt that Obama believed the story Paulson 
recounted to him. But he also wanted Paulson to know that he 
believed it: that was the meaning of the follow-up calls. How then 
could he have refused Paulson's probable idea -- seconded by 
Lawrence Summers -- of the only person qualified to succeed him as 
secretary of the treasury?

Once Obama had shown his nerve at that White House meeting and 
measured the upshot by the size of the victory in November, it was 
natural for him to feel gratitude toward those who had done so 
much and so recently to make it possible. And yet -- this is the 
insight afforded by Heilemann and Halperin -- long before the 
reasons for gratitude were apparent, the reforming candidate who 
spoke with such passion against inequality had bestowed on the 
great houses of Wall Street his implicit trust and reliance.

And how did they see him? Above all, as a less unstable character 
than McCain. That was the common view; and what student of human 
nature will deny its truth? Yet in the weeks before the election, 
Barack Obama took care to supply his powerful supporters with 
additional assurance.

The influence of money is seldom a matter of money alone. When 
Obama first spoke to Paulson in the depth of the crisis of 2008, 
something besides talk was passing between them. Such pacts, which 
begin in confidence, are sealed by affection. The new president in 
2009, when he looked back on the averted catastrophe and asked for 
a second trillion to put in the pipeline, may have looked more 
coolly at the role the bankers played; he may even have thought as 
Housman did of an army of mercenaries:

     They stood, and earth's foundations stay;

     What God abandoned, these defended,
     And saved the sum of things for pay.

But not all his thoughts are likely have been so unsentimental. 
The connection between a politician and the financial interests 
that secure him are deeper than mere utility or selfish purpose.

When Obama says of Lloyd Blankfein and Jamie Dimon, "I know both 
those guys; they are very savvy businessmen" -- with artless pride 
in the fact that he moves in their circles -- we are a long way 
from John Kennedy during the steel crisis of 1962, after U.S. 
Steel announced an across-the-board price increase: "My father 
always told me that all businessmen were sons-of-bitches, but I 
never believed it till now." No, Barack Obama would never say such 
a thing because he would never think such a thing. It is not that 
he is in their pocket. They are in his heart.

_______________________________________________
pen-l mailing list
pen-l@lists.csuchico.edu
https://lists.csuchico.edu/mailman/listinfo/pen-l