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SACW | 9-10 April 2004

Harsh Kapoor
Fri, 09 Apr 2004 17:13:43 -0700

South Asia Citizens Wire   |  9-10 April,  2004
via:  www.sacw.net

[1] Bangladesh: Miah commission report on education (Nurul Kabir)
[2] Pakistan's Faustian bargains (William Milam)
[3] Independent Election Monitoring in Jammu and Kashmir
[4] Religion under Globalisation (P. Radhakrishnan)
[5] India: Vajpayee: Not An Informer? (I.K.Shukla)
[6] India: Defeat BJP Forum Street Action (New Delhi, April 10, 2004)
[7] India: Citizens To Light Candles For The 1725 Bhikha Behram Well (Bombay, April 13)



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[1]


New Age [ Bangladesh] April 8, 2004

MIAH COMMISSION REPORT ON EDUCATION

by Nurul Kabir

Plants are fashioned by cultivation, man by education.
- Jean Jacques Rousseau

The citizens committed to democratic ideals must have noted, of course with some disquiet and disgust, a recent public announcement of Jamaat-e-Islami leader Ali Ahsan Muhammad Mujahid to the effect that his party has 'foiled' a 'conspiracy' of secularising the country's education system.
"There was a conspiracy to secularise the country's education system. But we have foiled that conspiracy," Mujahid, who is also the social welfare minister of Khaleda Zia's BNP-led cabinet, told a Jamaat rally at the Paltan ground of the capital city on March 30.
Mujahid's statement came a day before the National Education Commission, headed by Prof Maniruzzaman Miah, submitted its report to the Prime Minister on March 31. So, one has the scope to take a look at the recommendations of the Miah Commission to examine whether there was any 'conspiracy' to secularise the existing communal, from the point of view of religion, education system of the country, and how, and to what extent, the conspiracy was 'foiled' by the fundamentalist Jamaat - the partner of the so-called centrist Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in power.
A careful look at the contents of the 342-page document reveals that Mujahid is right, at least so far as further strengthening the non-secular curricula in the education sector in general, and the primary and secondary education in particular, is concerned. It could not, however, be ascertained whether there was any 'conspiracy' to secularise the non-secular education system.
The Miah Commission rightly points out that the country has three distinct categories of education system with conflicting curricula, such as general education, English medium kindergarten education and madrassah education, and that the 'existence of various education systems/curricula is an impediment towards the formation of a unified nation'.
But the Commission did not even dare to propose the dismantling of the three conflicting education systems, which have been producing for long three categories of citizens with distinctively different mindsets that might eventually create a situation of civil war in the country in the days to come. It, however, appears that the Miah Commission thought of introducing certain changes in the education curricula to minimise the differences. But it eventually dropped the idea, attributing the failure to the social and constitutional realities.
The Commission 'identifies' certain 'problems' in making reforms in the education curricula. "With Islam being the religion of the State, it is highly sensitive, and consequently time-consuming, to bring in the [required] reforms in madrassah education," said the Commission. "It is neither possible [under the present circumstances] to exclude certain courses from the syllabi of the madrassah curricula, nor is it possible to include those courses in the syllabi of the general education or the English medium one."
Miah can neither propose the non-secular curricula for the madrassahs that are controlled mainly by the fundamentalist political quarters, nor can he impose fundamentalist syllabi on the students of the English medium schools run by comparatively liberal sections of the society. What, then, did the Miah Commission do with the general primary and secondary education?
The Commission found it 'unnecessary to bring any changes in, or amendments to, the objectives of the primary education set and approved by the government of BNP in 2000'.
But the problem with all the 22 objectives set in 2002, which the Miah Commission keeps unchanged, is that they are highly contradictory to each other from the point of view of democratic principles. The first objective aims at 'indoctrination of students in the loyalty to and belief in the Almighty Allah, so that the belief inspires the students in their thought and work, and helps shape their spiritual, moral, social and human values'.
Indoctrination of any 'belief system' is irrational, in the first place. Because 'belief' obstructs the believers from questioning the establishment - be it political or ideological. The establishments across the world naturally encourage belief system of some kind, as it serves the rulers very well. The belief system in the present case will simply help the religious fundamentalist forces like Jamaat and its friends to enlarge their political constituencies further. The Jamaat's secretary general has stymied the attempt, if there was any at all, to secularise the education system.
The twelfth objective, on the other hand, talks about just the opposite to what has been said in the first one: helping the children to develop a sense of mathematicsŠand acquire the ability to think reasonablyŠ' Reasoning and blind belief just cannot go together.
The Jamaat's ideological triumph is also evident in another recommendation as regards re-structuring the managing committees of the primary schools. The Miah Commission has recommended enlargement of the size of the managing committees from the present 11-member to 13-member bodies by including in the committees 'two religious leaders'. The recommendation, if implemented, will definitely help the fundamentalists to increase their sphere of 'intellectual' influence in the education sector - not to mention strengthening their physical control over primary education.
The Miah Commission's failure to uphold democratic principles was further evident when it came to the recommendation of courses, examination on the courses and distribution of marks vis-a-vis the papers recommended at different levels of primary, lower secondary and secondary education.
The Commission's proposed curricula for the primary level (Class-I to Class-V) includes compulsory religious teachings, while the students of class III, IV and V have to sit for examinations (viva voce) on, along with Bangla, English, Mathematics and Bangladesh Studies, the religious teachings. The students of Class IV and V have to study, along with other courses, physical education, music and fine arts, but they will not have to take these subjects as seriously as religious teachings, as they will not be required to sit for any examinations on the subjects in question.
Again, while recommending courses for the junior secondary (Class-VI to Class-VIII) and secondary (Class XI-X) levels, the Commission has proposed a 100-mark course on religious teachings, 200-mark course on 'history-geography-sociology', 50-mark course on physical education, while there are no marks at all for courses on fine arts and music.
At the secondary level, the Commission has again proposed 100 marks for religious teachings, and only 50 for history and 50 for geography, with no marks for fine arts and music. Courses like the (1) history of science and philosophy, (2) ethics, and (3) health-food-nutrition have been kept 'optional' for the students.
Clearly, the accent is on religious teachings - an unfailing ideological instrument of producing and reproducing unthinking citizens that help peacefully perpetuate undemocratic governance.
Of the systems, not individuals
Prof Maniruzzaman Miah, presumably a secular person at the private level, must have been disappointed at having to make a set of undemocratic recommendations, which, if implemented, will definitely have negative impacts on democratic growth. But it could not have been different either, especially when the members of the country's ruling elite, with a few exceptions, are not yet 'emancipated' enough to intellectually accept the classical democratic ideals to rule the country. Dr. Kudrat-e-Khuda, the head of the country's first education commission, was the victim of the same circumstances.
The Khuda Commission in its interim report, submitted in May 1973, recommended 'separation of religion from education'. The report had argued, "Instead of creating blind allegiance to the external aspects and formal rituals of religion, the curricula and textbooks should inculcate in the students a refined and well integrated system of secular ethics to produce a new generation of citizens for secular Bangladesh."
Understandably, the syllabi recommended by the interim report did not contain any course of religious education in the classes up to VIII. Religious education was recommended as an elective course for classes IX and X.
Meanwhile, the Khuda Commission circulated among the members of the most educated section of the society - vice-chancellors and professors of the universities and degree colleges, principals and professors of the medical colleges, principals of the higher secondary colleges, headmasters of the high schools, members of the associations of school and college teachers, and superintendents of madrassahs, educationists, essayists, poets, novelists, playwrights, newspaper editors, top-level civil servants and members of parliaments - identical questionnaires for eliciting their opinions on the nature of education necessary for Bangladesh. As many as 2,869 persons responded, and 74.69 per cent of the respondents said that 'religious education should be an integral part of general education', while only 5.44 per cent said that 'there should be no special arrangement for religious teaching in general educational institutions'.
The Khuda Commission had to give up its secular approach. It eventually recommended religious instruction as an alternative to ethical studies in classes VI to VIII and as an elective subject in classes IX to XI only in the humanities stream'.
The political situation has worsened, and along with that the secular quality of education has been degraded, and vice versa, over the last few decades.
The education commission, headed by another secular man at the personal level, Prof Shamsul Haque, which was formed by the government of Sheikh Hasina in 1997, was also compelled to regard the reactionary 'madrassah education as an integral part of the national education system'.
In the given political reality, any education commission set up by the government/s of the ruling elite is destined to fail to produce a comprehensive set of democratic recommendations to democratise the education system. The Miah Commission cannot be an exception.
Time to take lessons
Education, especially primary and secondary education, shapes the political and cultural future of a nation. A society aspiring to be democratic in its political and cultural psyche, therefore, needs to formulate its education curriculum in a way that helps shape the psyche of the thousands of individual children in a democratic mould. Secularism is inherent in the concept of democracy, because democracy as an original idea had emerged in the West through political struggles against feudalism backed by religious ideologies. That which is not secular is not democratic.
The construction, and/or perpetuation, of a secular democratic society calls for formulation and implementation of secular democratic curricula that generate among the children, or the future citizens for that matter, a sense of demystification of the universe, which automatically encourages the students to constantly question and review all structures, processes, institutions and situations of the society from the point of view of democratic ideals. Understandably, this is a gigantic task, which is primarily a matter of conscious, and open, political action. There is no scope for achieving such a great objective secretly, beyond the knowledge of any quarter.
The educational policies of different regimes have rather deliberately generated in the society a growing sense of mystification about the universe that virtually degrades the thinking human beings to non-thinking animal entities. The regimes, civil or military, have done it openly, before the eyes of all, secular or non-secular. The rulers have done it, especially through education curricula, with a clear objective of perpetuating their political hegemony.
It is not accidental that various regimes have decreased per capita allocation in the conventional secular education sector, while increasing per capita allocation in the madrassah sector that produces hundreds of unthinking citizens with little tolerance for the dissenting views based on reason. There are as many as 18,268 registered (government recognised) non-government 'ebtedia' madrassahs (equivalent to primary schools) in the country enjoying certain kinds of grants from the state, as against some 20,000 registered non-government primary schools.
The leaders of the mainstream political parties publicly encourage madrassah education, while boasting of providing increasing financial support from the public coffer to these institutions that preach among poor young boys a world outlook which is mediaeval and produce every year hundreds of youths with a deep sense of intolerance for opposing ideologies, political or religious.
Do Khaleda Zia, Sheikh Hasina, or H M Ershad, or even Ali Ahsan Mujahid of Jamaat-e-Islami for that matter, even think of sending their children/grand-children to a madrassah? No!
Still, they keep the reactionary system going, because they need a large number of unthinking, unquestioning people to perpetuate their questionable political hegemony over the society. Most of the youths produced by the madrassahs are taught not to question the established ideas - they are simply taught to 'believe'. They perpetually provide constituencies to the political parties having almost no integrated democratic agenda for the people's welfare. So, the anti-secular madrassah system remains, and religious teachings get priority over social sciences and fine arts in the curricula of general education.
The change of the undemocratic education system, therefore, calls for the change of the political system, in the first place. And it is time for the Kudrat-e-Khudas, Shamshul Haques and Maniruzzaman Miahs to have the courage of their convictions and align themselves with the anti-establishment forces of democracy.
The writer is Deputy Editor, New Age


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[2]


The Daily Times [ Pakistan] April 9, 2004 Op-Ed.

Pakistan's Faustian bargains
by William Milam

From the Objectives Resolution through Ziaul Haq's hudood laws to Pervez Musharraf's back-down on the blasphemy law and madrassah reform, the unforeseen consequences of these Faustian bargains have resulted in the slow but steady erosion of state power and its accretion by non-state actors
It has always seemed to me that Shakespeare found words or plots to describe and explain almost every variety of human behaviour. That is why he is so great, and so timeless. I don't claim an inexhaustible knowledge of Shakespeare. But I have racked my brain, and reviewed his plays, and I still can't find anything that helps me understand the scandal of A.Q Khan or mitigates my dismay at the recent revelations about him. Nor is there, anywhere in Shakespeare or elsewhere in literature, anything that explains to my satisfaction the benign reaction of the leaders of Pakistan to Mr Khan's astounding confession that he has been the main cog in a longstanding illegal enterprise to spread nuclear weapon capability to Iran, North Korea, and Libya.
Mr Khan is nuclear scientist turned nuclear entrepreneur, national icon turned national embarrassment. To some, he is a hero who provided Pakistan with the ability always to defend itself against India. Some of these defenders broaden that to claim that he is the hero who developed the "Islamic bomb." To his critics, he is a rogue who squandered that heritage, and Pakistan's good name, by peddling his knowledge and Pakistan's assets to other rogues to enrich himself.
Those who celebrate Mr Khan's achievements seem to believe he was motivated by a sincere (but perhaps tunnel-visioned) patriotism. (Making lots of money, I guess, was just a convenient externality.) Those who think him a rogue seem certain that greed was his driver. There are even those very few who wonder whether, if the resources the Pakistani state expended to develop nuclear weapons had been instead devoted to education, Pakistan would not be now a stronger and more coherent nation.
I have not been able to find in Shakespeare a character to throw light on what drove Mr Khan. The tragic figures, such as Hamlet and Lear, are fated to fail on a large scale, usually because of some character flaw, but motivated by grand and generally true ideals. The villains, such as Iago, are pure evil and motivated by puerile personal self-aggrandizement. Perhaps Shakespeare was too much a product of his time to be able to understand and articulate the psychic cleavages of the late 20th and early 21st century - the contest between sets of false and illusory ideals, which typically concern attaining political success and personal wealth, and the standards of conduct and behaviour set out by society for its greater good, which conflict with those false ideals and place strict limits and rules on how success and wealth may be obtained.
I turn to Arthur Miller, the American playwright, for insight into this purely modern puzzle. Miller's plays concern the Faustian bargains some modern men try to make with society's codes, when driven by false ideals that society itself creates to anti-social behaviour in pursuit of success and wealth. Most men choose to steer by society's standards of conduct. A few men commit themselves wholly to false ideals, and by eschewing society's standards of conduct, destroy themselves. This, in Miller's plays, is the quintessential tragedy of modern times. Miller captured this most powerfully in his two best-known plays, All My Sons and Death of A Salesman.
I think All My Sons is most relevant to the riddle of AQ Khan. The central character, Joe, is a great success; he has position, prosperity, a nice home, a loving family. But in achieving all this, he has sold his soul to false and illusory ideals that have convinced him that success justifies any action, and preserving it any behaviour, no matter how ruthless and reckless. When his success is threatened, he acts to preserve it in a way that leads to the death of many innocents. Though he didn't intend it (the law of unforeseen consequences), his immoral and dishonest act brings him and his family crashing down; one son commits suicide out of shame, the other turns his father in out of shame. Ultimately, Joe also commits suicide to avoid prison.
I think the key is not that Joe held false ideals, but that he held them with such passion that they overrode common humanity and the moral codes that should direct our lives. Joe is tragic because, at the end, he accepted his guilt. In the final scene of the play, he says that the men whose deaths he had caused were, "all my sons." I have seen no indication that AQ Khan understands or accepts - his five-minute TV apology notwithstanding - that he has transgressed a moral code or that he has undermined the state he sought to serve. One thing seems clear: Mr Khan chose to act as he did. He may have been encouraged, but there was no compulsion. If those elements that support him most fiercely now ever came to power, his successors would have no such choice.
But what are we to think of the Faustian bargain of Pakistan's leaders with Mr Khan and his backers? Do they understand the damage he has done the state they lead? On this, I suspect that no work of fiction can give us any clues. We have to turn to history - not famous cover-ups, because they are all unique in their circumstances and in their historical implications - and look at the Faustian bargains that Pakistani leaders have made for short-term political gains or with those they feared. From the Objectives Resolution through Ziaul Haq's hudood laws to Pervez Musharraf's back-down on the blasphemy law and madrassah reform, the unforeseen consequences of these Faustian bargains have resulted in the slow but steady erosion of state power and its accretion by non-state actors, as well as the steady encroachment of anti-modern principles into governance and the law. Will further encroachment be the result of turning a blind eye to Mr Khan's transgressions?
William Milam is a former US ambassador to Pakistan and Bangladesh. Currently at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington DC, he is writing a book comparing Pakistan and Bangladesh. He wrote this article for Daily Times



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[3]

Independent Election Monitoring in Jammu and Kashmir

Invitation

Loksabha elections have been scheduled and hectic activities like candidature fixing, campaigns, etc are on in J&K also. While the election commission and the administration are busy preparing for the security aspects of elections, the political parties are busy wooing voters, elaborating the virtues of their candidates and their past work.

In the midst of all this, the stark reality of flawed elections of the past scares the Kashmiri people. They are haunted by the violence, coercion and rigging they have witnessed in Assembly elections and in Parliament elections in the past 54 years. The fact that polling ratios of all elections held in J&K has been taken in far too many senses, add to their worries.

While voting in elections and thus taking part in the "democratic" process of a nation like India holds priority, it is as much a democratic right of citizens to abstain from elections and register their protest against what they believe as a system, which does not provide them security to their lives and property.

It was in this context that the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society and the Civil Society Initiatives (Delhi) held Election Observation Programme in J&K during the last Assembly Elections (2002). The report, titled 'Independent Election Observers Report' attracted much attention, appreciation and criticism. The collective process, however also became an opportunity to expose many leading personalities from India to the day-to-day realities of conflict in J&K.

It is with the same objectives that we approach you with an invitation to join us for another round of election observation, this time for the Lok Sabha Elections (2004) to be held in J&K, in 4 phases for the 6 parliamentary seats. As earlier, the different teams of the Coalition consisting of people from Jammu and Kashmir as well as outsiders, will be monitoring elections in different constituencies, on different days and will collectively bring out a report on the election process.

While the main agenda of the team will be to look at the aspects of 'free and fair elections', we strongly feel that the process will also allow us to assess and analyse the present phase of 'peace negotiations' (between BJP lead NDA Government and a faction of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference) and 'the healing touch' (as claimed by the PDP led Government in the state).

It is not a funded project and hence all friends who are willing to join in any one phase or more, as part of the team, will have to bear their respective travel costs to J&K. But we will be happy to support the local accommodation and local transport from our side. Kindly understand our financial restraints and do join us in this process.

We look forward to receiving your confirmation. Kindly find enclosed the election schedule in detail.

Election Schedule:

Team I
20-Apr-2004 (Tuesday)
Baramulla,
Jammu

Team II
26-Apr-2004 (Monday)
Srinagar


Team III 5-May-2004 (Wednesday) Anantnag

Team IV

10-May-2004 (Monday
Ladkah, (No team will be able to go)
Udhampur

Thanking you in anticipation.

In Solidarity,
Parvez Imroz
President, J&K CCS

G N Saibaba
General Secretary, AIPRF

Gautam Navlakha
Editorial Consultant, EPW

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[4]


The Economic and Political Weekly [India]
March 27 , 2004


RELIGION UNDER GLOBALISATION
The major religions of the world are being used as purveyors of the globalisation agenda and this is often accompanied by an unprecedented flow of funds into the third world. This has led to the transmogrification of traditional religions and belief systems; the beginning of the disintegration of the traditional social fabrics and shared norms by newfangled religions and changing work ethics, and the forcing of an ever increasing number of individuals to fall back upon the easily accessible pretentious religious banalities.


by P. Radhakrishnan

URL: www.epw.org.in/showArticles.php?root=2004&leaf=03&filename=7012&filetype=pdf

o o o

[SACW readers who wish to receive a copy of the article (a PDF file) as an attachment can send a request to : <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> ]

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[5]


VAJPAYEE: NOT AN INFORMER?


by I.K.Shukla

Despite several denials of Atal Behari Vajpaye, the charge that he was an informer of the Brits in 1942 does not disappear from the national memory. It resurfaces again and again.

It can only mean that his explanations have always been widely regarded as evasive and unconvincing. It can only mean that the nation feels insecure and anguished with him at the helm, as it does with the Rakshasi Sangh Sarkar (Demonic Combine's Government) which has been regarded by millions of Indians historically as Rashtradrohi Siyar Sangh (Traitorous Jackals’ Herd).

Frontline, in 1998, and The Hindu on 19 Sep.1999, laid bare the case (with the help of court records) involving Vajpayee in Bateshwar, Agra, on Aug. 27, 1942, and how he got away scot free. We need not go into it at all.

Technically, and far more casuistically, Vajpayee may have convinced himself that he has cleared himself of the insinuation, but no one else.

Technicalities and expedient tampering have let murderers get away with murder. Juridical remit may not always include justice.

Informer, according to the dictionary, is "one who discloses information"; "one who informs on others, often for compensation".

The questions that nag are: As a member of RSS why did he join the procession which was going to hoist the tricolor on the Forest House in Bateshwar, Agra, if not to be of service to the Brits, as pledged both by Savarkar's Hindu Mahasabha and Golwalkar's RSS ?

Later, he disassociated himself from the marchers’ plan quite emphatically

Then, why did he and his brother stay below, while others "went up"? Just to watch, to whose benefit and with what purpose?

He volunteered information to the police on two of the processionists - Mahuan and Kakua (Leeladhar Bajpai). It was gratuitous. It was despicable. He was not at all under duress.

Of course other villagers too may have named them. But the articulate, educated Vajpayee brothers, Atal and Prem , did so out of a sense of loyalty to the Raj that RSS and Sabha had sworn themselves to in several written statements and documents. These all are on record.

It was for this collaboration, perceived or real (according to your lights), that he was out of jail in three weeks, wires pulled in his behalf high and low by his father. Others, named by him, were jailed for five years. Wires pulled must have convincingly persuaded the Brits that the role of the Vajpayee brothers was collaborative, as informers and loyal servants of the Raj, not as freedom fighters of the 1942 Quit India movement.

Sabha and RSS had denounced the 1942 struggle, asked their members to stay away from it, and promised the Brits all support against the freedom fighters aka as miscreants and insurgents in the officialese of the times.

Therefore, Vajpayee can be given absolution, if any, on the ground that he was only following the orders of gauleiters and caudillos of Rashtradrohi Swayamsewak Sangh (Traitorous Volunteers Squad). And, that he was only a very small part of the major national betrayal that RSS and Hindu Mahasabha ordained and orchestrated in 1942, besmirched themselves with, and thus proved themselves to be the inveterate and implacable enemies of India, its people, its freedom.

Rewriting history, erasure of history, seeking a niche in history, falsifying history, - thus became essential imperatives in the saffronazi culture, criminal and corrupt from incipience, that sought and fostered subservience to, and begged slavery of, the foreign masters.

So, Vajpayee as a "loyal soldier" in knickers, of the RSS, must be viewed not as an individual that stands charged with spying for the Brits against India, but only as a follower of the cult that assassinated Gandhi who had launched the Quit India movement in 1942, that has fielded the assassin Dara Singh as its candidate for the Legislative Assembly in Orissa, and that masterminded the slaughter of 500 people in just 3 days following the demolition of the Babri Mosque in 1992 (Vishwa Hindu Parishad by Manjari Katju, 2003, p.99).

No wonder, therefore, that with their perverse and distorted vision, Vajpayee and his cohort call India Burning as India Shining, India Sinking as India Rising, India Choking as India Chortling.

Vajpyee had set himself a task that Aug. 27 in 1942 and he executed it as best he could. For want of a better word it would be labeled informing spying. He was amply rewarded for the collaboration by the enemy.

Sangh, his soul, had long determined to be the India’s Enemy Within, India's Fifth Column. This role it has played remarkably consistently since the 1920s. It has all done voluntarily. It volunteered to spy for the Brits. It volunteered to soak India in blood and shred it to bits. It volunteered to tear India apart with fascist terror. It volunteered to spread mass starvation and thousands of suicides. It volunteered to anoint corruption and kleptomania, as its dharma. Why? Because it Felt Good with the monstrous desecration, massive devastation, widespread pauperization, and monumental disgrace that it perpetrated on the Indian citizenry in general and the minorities in particular.
Vajpayee is in good company, though. Kurt Waldheim, a Nazi, rose to be the Secy.-General of the United Nations and President of Austria, and was the darling of the western "democracies". Vajpayee, the saffronazi, rose to be the PM of India, India's sunset.


Let me conclude with a couplet from Makhan Lal Chaturvedi, the nationalist Hindi poet (1889-1968) culled from a poem, A Flower's Wish:
Mujhe tod lena vanmalee us path par dena tum phenk
Matribhumi hit sheesh chadhane jis path javen veer anek.
An English rendering of the sentiment may be: O gardener, pluck me and throw me on to the path taken by heroic martyrs in the cause of the motherland.


An inanimate piece of nature could wish so. Not Vajpayee on Aug.27, 1942. Because there is an ocean of difference between a poet and a poetaster, or between being a poet and playing a poet.

9 Apr. 2004



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[6]


DEFEAT BJP FORUM


Dear Friend,

We request you to join us in our first street action on 10 April, Saturday, 10.30 AM. The Defeat BJP Forum will hold a rally of teachers, writers, activists to distribute our leaflet in Hindi and Urdu among the people in the walled city. The English version is posted below. Needless to say, larger the gathering, the more reassuring it will be for the common terrorized people. Please come with your friends and colleagues (we can make only so many phone-calls).

The rally assembles in front of the old Zakir Hussain College near Ajmeri gate. We will walk through the walled city to end at Turkman gate. No speeches, no banners except ours.

At the next phase of our programme, we are planning a big press conference in Lucknow on 13 April. The time and the venue will be announced shortly.

Nirmalangshu



Join Hands To Save the Nation

Defeat the BJP Now

This is the most crucial election since Independence. At stake is the survival of India's republican constitution and the plural, democratic conception of society which it defends.

The RSS, which is accountable to no-one, is exerting a extra-constitutional authority. The democratic process is being used to threaten the future of democracy itself. Brazen assaults on the minorities and other vulnerable sections are occuring daily as the BJP, the political arm of the RSS, strengthens its hold over the state. The lawless conduct of the sangh parivar goes unpunished even when they maim and kill. BJP leaders, including the Prime Minister, reproach the victims for not accommodating their tormentors.

This dangerous alignment of the state and the sangh parivar was brutally illustrated in Gujrat where thousands of minorities, including women and children, were killed and lakhs were made homeless with the direct support of the state. In the two years since the carnage, social and economic boycott of the muslims continues to be the rule. Gujrat is a grim reminder of the state of things to come in an even wider scale if the RSS-BJP axis is allowed to come back to power again.

The BJP-dominated NDA government has been the instrument for the consolidation of the communal-fascist agenda of the RSS.

Breaking with the constitutional tradition of neutrality of gubernatorial positions, almost all governors of states are RSS members.

In the sphere of education and culture, the government is propagating the destructive ideology of the RSS by enforcing changes in the school curriculum, iniating reactionary programmes in colleges and universities, and installing RSS members and supporters in academic and cultural institutions of national importance.

The government has sought to directly attack vulnerable sections of the society - the minorities, dalits, tribals, landless peasants - with laws such as POTA and by unleashing a police raj.

A BJP victory will enable the RSS to further consolidate its position and control over the nation. The RSS has implemented its programme via the NDA government because of the electoral gains made by the BJP in the last two general elections.

The economic policies of the BJP-dominated government have led to extensive unemployment and impoverishment of vast masses of people.

Removal of trade barriers have resulted directly in landlessness and increase in rural poverty: thousands of farmers have committed suicide all over the country, milk, sugar-cane and cotton sectors have been badly hit. Aggressive de-industrailisation has led to closure and dislocation of factories.

'Jobless growth' has led to unprecedented unemployment in each sector of the economy affecting specially the younger generation of the population.

Indiscriminate disinvestment including in strategic sectors like defence and energy and withdrawal of the state from education, health, and social security have endangered the life conditions of the people. For the first time in many decades, there is a serious threat to food security.

How does BJP win the elections?

Although the national average of BJP's vote share is barely 24%, BJP wins a larger number of seats due to the division of the secular vote.

In crucial state like UP, the BJP has won by very small margins even in four-cornered contests. In Bijnor, Faizabad, Bahraich, Basti, Banasgaon, Gorakhpur, Padrauna, Jaunpur, Ghazipur, Robertsganj, Fatehpur, Bilhapur, Hapur and many other constituencies BJP had won with less than 3% difference in vote share.

BJP would have been routed in most constituencies if just the votes of the second and the third parties were united.

The way to defeat BJP is to unite the secular vote. We appeal to all secular parties and candidates not to divide their votes. If parties and candidate fail to do it, then people must. Choose the candidate in your constituency who can defeat the BJP and mobilise the vote.

Issued by Nirmalangshu Mukherji and Madhu Prasad, 38/2 Probyn Road, Delhi 110007, Delhi, on behalf of

DEFEAT BJP FORUM

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[7]


Sent: 08 April 2004 03:44
Subject: [INSAANIYATBOMBAY] 13TH APRIL, 2004 AT Azad Maidan

PRESS RELEASE

CITIZENS TO LIGHT CANDLES FOR THE 1725 BHIKHA BEHRAM WELL ON TUE.
13TH APRIL, 2004 AT Azad Maidan, Opp. BMC Headquarters, Off.
Mahapalika Marg, near C.S.T. ( V.T.). The timing shall be from 7.00
to 8.00 p.m.



Citizens had not yet recovered from the shock of ransacking of the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute at Pune, when they heard about
the desecration of the Bhika Behram Well, an A graded heritage
structure, situated near the Churchgate Station, opposite the South-
East curve of the Oval Maidan in South Mumbai.

Built in 1725 by a Parsi philanthropist, the sweet water of the well
has been freely available to the general public.  On the night of
11/12 March, 2004 miscreants smashed twelve beautiful stained glass
panels, encased on the canopy of the well.  Some bearing Zoroastrian
icons were destroyed while others with floral patterns may have been
stolen.  Why was a sacred monument of the peace-loving Parsi
community targeted; and what security and protection can other
communities expect in similar circumstances?  Is there need for
better governance and vigilance by the law and order authorities to
prevent such incidents in future?

NGOs like the `Public Concern for Governance Trust (PCGT)' and
numerous well-wishers from all communities have shown their concern
and have come out in full support of the `.......Trust' that looks after
the well.  Representations have been made to the President, Prime
Minister, Governor of Maharashtra, Chief Minister and the Police
Commissioner amongst others.  To protest against this vandalism a
silent peaceful Candle Light Vigil is being held at Hutatma Chowk
(Flora Fountain) on Tuesday, April 13, 2004 at 7 p.m.  This is a call
for a show of solidarity of all citizens.

Mumbai is a melting pot of various communities of diverse cultures
and traditions.  This spirit must be nurtured and protected from any
element that stirs discord.  The Candle Light Vigil is an opportunity
for Mumbaites to rally round when the very spirit that keeps us
together is disturbed, as has been in the case of the desecration of
the Bhika Behram Well.  We hope that the authorities responsible for
the governance of this city shall urgently do all that is required to
restore lost confidence by bringing to book those involved in this
wanton destruction and/or theft.


(In para 3, please fill in the name of the Trust that looks after the well)



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Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
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  • SACW | 9-10 April 2004 Harsh Kapoor