Harsh Kapoor
Fri, 01 Dec 2006 19:22:52 -0800
South Asia Citizens Wire | December 2, 2006 | Dispatch No. 2330 - Year 8 [1] India Pakistan Arms Race and Militarisation Watch - November 30, 2006 [2] India: Autonomous women's groups - Looking back, looking forward (Deepti Priya Mehrotra) [3] India: How They Crush Mangalore's Muslims (An independent citizens' fact-finding team) [4] India: Force-Fed Sharmila Fights On for Freedom From Armed Oppression (J. Sri Raman) [5] Upcoming Events: (i) Seminar: Pakistan - State Aggression and its Repercussions on Human Rights (Harvard, 5 Dec 2006) (ii) Book Release and Panel Discussion Human Rights for Human Dignity (Delhi, 5 Dec 2006) (iii) Bal Adhikar Samvad (Delhi, 19 Dec 2006) (iv) 6th KaraFilm Festival (Karachi, 8-18 Dec 2006) ______ [1] INDIA PAKISTAN ARMS RACE AND MILITARISATION WATCH Compilation No 166 (November 30, 2006) Year Seven URL: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/177 ______ [2] Kashmir Times 2 December 2006 LOOKING BACK, LOOKING FORWARD by Deepti Priya Mehrotra Have autonomous political movements in India come of age? They have indeed - according to Saheli, an autonomous women's group (AWG) currently celebrating its 25th birthday. The group called a meeting on August 12, 2006 at the Mekhala Jha auditorium, New Delhi, with the overall goal of 'strengthening autonomous politics'. It was a well-attended meeting, stretching from 9 am to 7 pm. Nearly 150 participants shared memories and journeys in the morning hours, and discussed issues of democratic politics, wider mobilisation, sexuality politics and relations between State and gender rights, in the afternoon and evening. Professor Uma Chakravarty, feminist historian from Delhi University, spoke of contradictions as well as joint achievements of the women's movement and civil liberties and democratic rights movement, over the past 30 years. Strong women's organisations in India have fought influential battles on extremely significant issues. Even before national independence in1947, the All India Women's Conference, National Federation of Indian Women, Women's India Association and a host of regional and local organisations waged struggles for female education, voting rights, widow remarriage, rights of women workers and equity in personal laws. They were rather successful on several fronts. The 1970s saw women organise around issues of ecological, food and livelihood security. The Chipko movement of Uttaranchal is known worldwide because grassroots women raised environmental issues recognised as globally significant. The Self-Employed Women's Association, a group with Gandhian roots, spearheaded struggles by women workers in the informal sector, beginning in Gujarat and spreading to other parts of the country. In Maharashtra, women from different parties got together to fight a pitched battle against price rise. The 1974 release of the 'Status of Women in India' by a government-appointed committee alerted the country about declining sex ratios, and low indices in health, education and political participation. In the 1980s, there was a spurt of new women's groups. Many were AWGs, although some others, like All India Democratic Women's Association (associated with the Communist Part of India-Marxist), were wings of political parties. What distinguishes AWGs is their refusal to be subject to any political party or other institution. They argue that women need to create separate spaces in which to take initiatives, speak their minds, and define an independent politics. Saheli, Manushi, Vimochana, Asmita, Forum Against Oppression of Women, Anveshi, Awaaz-e-Niswaan, Sama and Sampurna are some of the contemporary AWGs. AWGs have led campaigns on issues hitherto considered too personal to discuss publicly - including sexual abuse, domestic violence and marginalised sexualities. These issues festered for long within the confines of patriarchal family and civil society institutions. AWGs declare that democracy must not stop at the threshold of the family. In sync with the international women's movement slogan 'the personal is political', women and civil liberties groups came together to bring these skeletons out of the cupboard. Over the years, shocking evidence of high rates of wife-battering, dowry-related wife-murders, rape, child sexual abuse and other forms of domestic violence kept piling up. Women have also begun to challenge homophobia publicly. Chayanika Shah of LABIA (Lesbians and Bisexuals in Action), Mumbai, spoke at the Saheli meet, expressing relief that some space has finally opened for such issues. AWGs have been instrumental in politicising issues that were earlier swept under the carpet. We now have wider awareness and laws on domestic violence, pre-natal sex determination (PNDT) and women's property rights. As important as the passage of such legislation is the process leading up to them - a collective process of formulation and reformulation, based on inputs by a large number of groups and organisations. In the case of the PNDT and domestic violence laws, women's groups are actively organising to ensure that these laws are actually implemented. Whereas three decades ago, an issue like rape was unmentionable, today the media cannot afford to ignore issues like sexual abuse, harassment at the workplace, personal laws and even marital rape. Despite these achievements, the women's movement still faces enormous challenges. As we take stock, it is important to balance celebration and euphoria against the desperation that still lurks in the lives of the majority of Indian women. An anniversary is a time to be honest, to introspect and engage in serious soul-searching. Success must be measured against limitations, as well as downright failures. Several news items over the past few weeks illustrate the challenges ahead. Women's organisations - AWGs as well as Left-party-based - got together to protest lack of political will regarding the bill for women's reservation in Parliament. First mooted in 1997, the bill has been shelved year after year. This is despite the success of the earlier legislation (1993-94), under which 33 per cent representation of women is ensured in local self-governance (panchayati raj institutions). 'Anganwadi' workers of the Integrated Child Development Services, touted as the biggest child welfare programme in the world, have been agitating in New Delhi for formal recognition as 'workers'. Agananwadi workers receive a paltry 'honorarium' for the long list of duties they are obliged to carry out - meeting nutrition, care and pre-school education needs of children below six years in all the villages and slums of the country, as well as providing inputs for women's health and contraceptive needs. At the Saheli meet, Arti Sawhney and Kiran Dubey of the Sathin Karamchari Sangh spoke of the struggles of sathins - 'sathins' being government-appointed functionaries of the Women's Development Programme (Rajasthan). Sathins work for women's empowerment, but are frequently not allowed to raise their own issues as women and as workers. Other crucial areas where autonomous politics must intervene systematically include education, health and social security. Rising levels of poverty have actually led to an erosion of the quality of life of large numbers of Indian women. Autonomous women's politics, to be relevant, needs to build bridges across class and caste. At the Saheli meet, Saraswati, an organiser of Dalit women in Karnataka, described her experiences as a Maddiga - vulnerable to exploitation both as a woman and as a Dalit. Shamim, from the Shramik Adivasi Sanghathan, Madhya Pradesh, spoke on the imperative need for mass organising and political mobilisation. The meet confirmed the relevance and vibrancy of an autonomous women's politics, as also the many currents and enormous dilemmas confronting it. Sheer survival is often a big challenge for small AWGs, yet not only have many survived, they continue to raise their voices, engage in vibrant debate and strategise collectively for a better future. *(Dr Deepti Priya Mehrotra is a political scientist as well as activist and journalist. Her publications include 'Home Truths: Stories of Single Mothers'; Penguin, 2003.) -(Courtesy: Women's Feature Service) _____ [3] Tehelka Dec 09 , 2006 HOW THEY CRUSH MANGALORE'S MUSLIMS An independent citizens' fact-finding team discovers that attacks on Muslims in coastal Karnataka routinely go unreported. And now, police atrocities are also being overlooked. These are excerpts from the team's report Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy was unrepentant about the state police's style of violence-management in Mangalore, when he defiantly said, "Were they to dream of such violence?" In coastal Karnataka, the police could most certainly have foreseen communal violence if they had just been alert on duty. That wasn't the problem. In fact, during the violence in Mangalore, the police were either lost in daydreams in the face of daylight looting and atrocities, or were inflicting nightmares on unsuspecting Muslims in the middle of the night. The Press has always suppressed the fact of violence against Muslims throughout the coastal belt: but, this time around, they suppressed police atrocities too; the non-bjp parties too have maintained complete silence. This is a new development in the bloody history of coastal Karnataka's communal violence. The administration, the police, and the media had never before worked unanimously and in tandem. >From what we saw in the violence-affected areas, wherever the Muslims had taken to destruction, it was as a response to the violence inflicted on them. AT BAJPE The Mangalore violence during the first week of October 2006 erupted in Bajpe, on the outskirts of the city. On October 3, a Sharada procession was scheduled and was to pass the Bajpe Masjid. Some Muslims told police about their objections to one tableau. The police and bjp mla Krishna Palemar, who was there, requested the organisers to remove that particular tableau. But the request went unheeded. Nor did they oblige to an altered request that the tableau should not pass in front of the masjid. Therefore, police stopped the procession. The organisers chose to place the Sharada idol in the middle of the road, in defiance. What was this tableau all about? It was claimed that it was the tableau of Bappa Beary worshipping Sharada Matha, and that there wasn't anything here that would insult Muslims. The popular legend, that was invoked, has it that Goddess Durga Parameshwari gave darshan to Beary, a rich Muslim merchant, in his dream. Legend has it that he erected a temple for her. There is also a popular Yakshagana narrative based on this legend. These days, the narrative presents Bappa Beary as a clown and the Bajpe tableau had a similar visual. The Muslim contention was that the man in the tableau portrayed a pitiable maulvi rather than Beary. However, the Muslims did not pick up a quarrel. As the unchanged procession was allowed to proceed, seven Muslim and two Hindu shops were looted by a 1,000-strong mob. Mohammed Hanif of Top Collections incurred the highest losses: his Ramzan collection worth Rs 15 lakh was looted. Even as the looting was on, there were at least 200 policemen including the sp and the dcp stationed there. The next morning, the newspapers reported that the Muslims had objected to a symbol of communal amity and had stalled the procession! AT ULLAL Unlike Bajpe where the police were silent, they turned into beasts in Ullal on the outskirts of Mangalore. In the afternoon of the bandh called by Sri Rama Sene on October 6, three Hindu shops on the road to Ullal were set on fire. As there was stoning and rioting in two areas nearby, the police took it to be the handiwork of Ullal's Muslims. They covered their faces and broke into Muslim houses when most men were away at the masjid. They robbed these people and beat up women and children. Nearly 70 Muslims of Ullal - most of them boys - were arrested and shifted to Mangalore, and two days later they were charged with criminal cases and moved to Bellary jail. AT BUNDER Bunder is a "Muslim area" with a substantial number of Hindus. But it is considered a communally sensitive area, for reasons of planted prejudice. On the midnight of October 8, police broke into Muslim houses, mouthed obscenities against Bearies, and arrested the men. There were communal disturbances in Bunder earlier, but the police hadn't broken into Muslim houses like this time. More importantly, Bunder was completely calm. The Muslims we met asked us: "With three continuous days of curfew, where would our children run? Would they be asleep at home if they were involved in rioting elsewhere?" The one solace, if it is one, was that the police here didn't loot, as in Ullal. AT GOODINA BALI On October 13, there were four mild explosions near the BC Road Bus Stand that slightly damaged shop windows. Two people were stabbed. Next morning, the coastal press reported it as if it were a terrorist plot. Soon, the police swung into action and broke into Muslim houses at the nearby Goodina Bali and arrested 20 men, most of whom were either beedi-rollers or coolies. The same police had slept when, on October 5, the Bajrang Dal had forced a bandh in the district. In broad daylight, 11 Muslim shops were looted and that too barely 100 metres from the police station. This loot and destruction was designated a "communal riot," by the media. Soon after the Babri Masjid demolition in 1992, Muslim houses and shops were looted in several places of coastal Karnataka. Since then, there has been a systematic Hindutva brigade-led attack on Muslims - in Puttur (1997), Suratkal (1998-9), Kundapur (2002), Adi Udupi (2005) - and Protestant Christians. It is now routine for the Hindutva brigade to co-opt the media, raise an alarm that Hinduism is in danger, and then attack Muslims with redoubled bestiality. AT FAISAL NAGARA-VEERANAGARA Veeranagara and Faisal Nagara are two settlements on Mangalore's outer edge on the bank of Nethravathi river. This stretch was formerly called Kodange. In Faisal Nagara, Muslims are a majority with a substantial number of Hindu households while in Veeranagara, Hindus are a majority. On October 6, Muslim youths stoned some Hindu houses at Faisal Nagara. The mob broke into four Hindu houses and damaged them. In one house, a middle-aged man and his son were beaten up. We visited the house, but couldn't see any symptoms of systematic destruction. The same evening, the police forcibly shifted 30 Hindu families of Faisal Nagara to a camp in adjacent Veeranagara. While doing so, they told people that they could stay at their own risk. Nearly 150 people have returned to their homes after staying three days in the camp. All of them we spoke to categorically said that they would not have gone but for police pressure, and that they perceived no threat. Though this shifting of Hindus to Veeranagara was due to police irresponsibility, it gave the media a golden chance to fan communal hatred as it showed "the terrified Hindus" at the Veeranagara camp. At Veeranagara, a shop that belonged to Abdul Khader (of Faisal Nagara), was attacked. Khader lodged a police complaint, naming some looters but none were arrested. Instead, his second son Pervez was arrested and taken to Bellary jail. When Fathima, wife of Khader's first son, questioned the police, a policeman tried to molest her. TWO INCIDENTS, TWO POSSIBILITIES Hasanabba belongs to Maanur village of Bantwal Taluk. Of the nearly 20 households here, five belong to Muslims. A well-to-do beedi contractor, Hasanabba has employed nearly 120 people and all of them are non-Muslim women. He had earned the villagers' respect by getting the local youth employment as well. But that didn't matter on October 6 when 20 youth marched into Hasanabba's house. As soon as he opened the door, he was struck on the head by a stone. Sensing danger, he immediately closed the door. Hasanabba called his friend and lawyer Ramesh Upadhyaya, a bjp man. As soon as Upadhyaya came to the spot, the mob fled. Next day, the village elders expressed their sympathies to Hasanabba. He pleaded with them, "These boys are your children. Please take them to the village temple, let them promise to your God that they won't repeat this in future." None of the elders responded. Unwillingly Hasanabba lodged a police complaint and named the culprits. But they still continue to be at large. We saw a ray of hope at Perlagudde at Veeranagara. At the entrance here, there is only one Muslim household, surrounded by dalit households. Khalid lives here with his two elder sisters. On October 6, when he was returning from the masjid, three sword-wielding men stabbed him. When we met Khalid at the hospital, he named those who attacked him. Next day a group surrounded his house, stoned it and were about to set fire. Then, 70-year-old Kalyani and other neighbours - all dalits - scared the group away. At the courtyard of Khalid's house, this is what Kalyani told us, "They have done no wrong to anyone. If someone says we will set fire to his house, how can we sit quiet?" _____ [4] truthout.org 30 November 2006 FORCE-FED SHARMILA FIGHTS ON FOR FREEDOM FROM ARMED OPPRESSION by J. Sri Raman It was a small, double-column story tucked away into an inside page of a newspaper that came as a sharp, stinging reminder of a saga. Visiting Iranian human-rights activist Shirin Ebadi, said the story, on Tuesday called on the much less known Irom Chanu Sharmila, a woman from India's State of Manipur, on a hunger strike in a New Delhi hospital. Hunger strikes, which Mahatma Gandhi popularized as a form of protest, are common enough in India. This, however, is a different case. Sharmila, a 34-year-old woman, has been on a hunger strike for over six years. Or, more correctly, she has been force-fed, as she has fought on since 2000 for freedom from armed oppression. Sharmila's single, specific demand has been for the scrapping of a draconian law titled the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, or the AFSPA. The law has posed a dire threat to the liberty, life, and dignity of the people in Manipur, one of the insurgency-prone tribal states in India's northeast. Sharmila's epic fast started on November 6, 2000, four days after men of the Indian armed forces reportedly opened fire on ten youths waiting at a bus stand in Malom, near the airport of Imphal, capital of Manipur, and killed all of them. The AFSPA empowered the men in uniform to kill those merely suspected to be the country's separatist enemies. To Sharmila and to other Manipuris, the atrocity did not come as a shock. The AFSPA did not only give even officers of the lowest rank in a "disturbed area" such a license to kill for the sake of law and order, it also authorized what functioned as an occupation army "to destroy any shelter, from which armed attacks are ... likely to be made." On "reasonable suspicion," any person could be arrested without a warrant, and so could any premises be entered and searched. Obviously, these provisions made a host of human rights abuses possible, and the hapless people of the state had not been spared any of them. While the victims of the Act belong mostly to weaker sections, women have been particularly vulnerable to its abuse. By all local accounts, rape-and-murder sequences had been made to look like part of routine anti-insurgency investigations even earlier. The Malom incident, however, created the psychological moment for a major popular movement against the Act. And it made Sharmila join the struggle. When she sat in a public place and declared her resolve not to "drink a drop of water" until the AFSPA was withdrawn, she encountered some ridicule. It turned into respect, and something like reverence, as she continued the fast through days, weeks, and months. Over the years, she has become a living legend. Or a legend kept alive by force-feeding on behalf of armed forces. Nose-fed and tube-fed, she has continued to emulate the example of the founder of India's freedom from colonial rule, whom a nuclear-proud New Delhi hails as the Father of the Nation with despicable hypocrisy. Arrested and re-arrested, moved from prison to prison and from hospital to hospital, she has refused to call off her fast, making November 6 an anniversary of Manipur's struggle. The fast has continued despite the fluctuations in the movement. Sharmila returns like a painful memory whenever the movement shows resurgence, but her struggle does not cease when the media turns its attention to other matters. I wrote of her last in these columns over two years ago ("Manipur's Magnificent Struggle," August 22, 2004). The main focus then was on another woman activist, Thangjam Manorama Devi, who had been raped and murdered. As I reported, a unit of the armed forces had taken 32-year-old Manorama "into custody as a suspected separatist," and she never returned to tell what had transpired. According to reports that call for an inquiry into what might have remained one of many such cases and complaints on record, "the soldiers had pumped bullets into Manorama's genitals to cover up the gender part of their crime." This led to a protest by nude Manipuri women against naked militarism outside the camp of the unit Assam Rifles, with the demonstrators daring the soldiers to rape them en masse. The protest drew countrywide attention, but so did Sharmila's continued and dignified fast against the crimes of many years against the Manoramas of Manipur. The mandarins of New Delhi , of course, have managed bigger crises. They got over this one simply by setting up an inquiry by a retired judge of India's Supreme Court. But, the contents of the Justice Jeevan Reddy Commission, submitted in June 2005 and stated to contain strictures on the armed forces, have been neither divulged nor discussed in public. The mainstream media outside Manipur might have forgotten about Sharmila forever, but for her success in smuggling herself out of Manipur and into New Delhi last month. The first thing she did in the country's capital was to visit the Mahatma's tomb, and then she proceeded to continue her fast at a public spot. The official response was predictable. In a midnight swoop, the police arrested her and put her in the prestigious All-India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). Meanwhile, in Manipur, they registered a police case against her under section 125 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). This provision deals with a threat to the security of the president and the prime minister of India (which this fasting, fragile woman's presence in the capital is supposed to represent)! In the high-profile hospital, she continued to be force-fed, under heavy armed security. Neither the AIIMS nor any other authority has seen fit to issue a bulletin on her health, though sources close to her say that she feels weak and that her bones have become brittle. A medical manual I consulted says that "long-term use of nasal steroids may cause fungal infections of the nose or throat." It also warns that nose-fed intakes may enter one's bloodstream and adds: "This may have undesirable consequences that may require additional corticosteroid treatment. This is especially true for children and for those who have used this for an extended period of time." Also relevant to Sharmila's case is a recent statement by 250 medical leaders on force-feeding in remote Guantanamo Bay. The March 11 issue of British medical journal The Lancet carries a letter by these leaders, condemning the practice of force-feeding detainees, "strapped into restraint chairs in uncomfortably cold isolation cells, to force them off their hunger strike." Attorneys for the detainees are said to have reported extreme suffering among their clients as a result of painful force-feeding methods via nasal tubes and prolonged shackling in the restraint chairs. A report on the statement notes that US military officials have acknowledged the use of such aggressive tactics in order to break hunger strikes at the detention facility. The Indian authorities have not denied force-feeding their detainee, either. Sharmila is more than a Manipuri activist. She and her struggle, for freedom and against armed occupation and oppression, are metaphors with a larger meaning. _____ [5] Upcoming Events (i) Seminar: Pakistan : State Aggression and its Repercussions on Human Rights This roundtable seminar is pegged on the Oct 30 air strike on a religious seminary in Bajaur, Pakistan, that killed about 80 people, allegedly militants using the place to train terrorists. Can 'terrorism' be addressed with state-sponsored or initiated violence? What is the ensuing 'collateral damage' to human rights, democracy, and the media? What are the repercussions on Pakistan, South Asia, and beyond? This event is supported by the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy and Friends of South Asia (FOSA) Boston Featuring seminar presentations by: - Imtiaz Ali, reporter, BBC Pashto Service, Peshawar, currently International Knight Fellow, Stanford - Hassan Abbas, Research Fellow at the Belfer Center 's International Security Program and Managing the Atom Project - Bob Dietz, Asia Desk, Committee to Protect Journalists, NY - Husain Haqqani, Director, Center for International Relations at Boston University - Lawrence Lifschultz, former South Asia Correspondent, Far Eastern Economic Review - Adil Najam , Associate Professor of International Negotiation & Diplomacy, The Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy, Tufts University - Beena Sarwar , Fellow, Carr Center for Human Rights Policy - Charlie Sennott, former foreign correspondent (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Israel), Boston Globe - Nasim Zehra, Fellow, Asia Center, Harvard University; columnist The News International, Pakistan Tuesday, December 5th, 12:00-3:00 pm Malkin Penthouse, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University Lunch will be served. RSVP to [EMAIL PROTECTED] ___ (ii) Invitation for Book Release and Panel Discussion Human Rights for Human Dignity Published by Amnesty International Date: December 5, 2006 (Tuesday) Time: 2.30 pm Venue: Gandhi Peace Foundation, Deen Dayal Upadhyay Marg, New Delhi Chief Guest & Keynote Speaker: Justice J S Verma, former Chief Justice, of India Common Minimum Postulates (CMP) of Human Rights Panel: Justice Rajinder Sachar, former Chief Justice, High Court of Delhi Group Rights and Human Dignity Prof. Amit Bhaduri, Professor Emeritus, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi Development with Dignity Dr. Purna Sen, Program Director (Asia-Pacific), Amnesty International Dignity, Human Rights and Gender On December 5, celebrating the World Dignity Day, Amnesty International India is launching its publication, 'Human Rights for Human Dignity: A Primer on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights', in English and Hindi. We take the pleasure of inviting you to our book release program and a panel discussion thereafter on December 5 2006 (Tuesday), 2.00pm 4.00 pm at Gandhi Peace Foundation, Deen Dayal Upadhyay Marg, near ITO, New Delhi. 'Human Rights for Human Dignity' presents an overview of economic, social and cultural rights, outlines their scope and content, and gives examples of violations and what can be done to address them. This primer highlights not only the obligations of the governments within their own countries but also their international obligations, and the human rights responsibilities of a wider orbit of actors including international organizations and corporations. Amnesty International (AI) has also planned its next global campaign on the theme of 'Human Rights and Human Dignity'. As the international community has repeatedly recognized, all human rights are universal, indivisible, inter-dependent and interrelated. Human dignity requires respect for all human rights of all people: there can be no higher priority than the right to live with dignity. Amnesty International joins local communities and activists worldwide in campaigning for economic, social and cultural rights of the marginalised people. Sixty years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the aspiration for a world free from want as well as fear is unrealised for millions. A massive shift in mindset is needed so that poverty is understood and addressed as a condition driven and perpetuated by a web of indivisible human rights violations. Bringing a human rights based approach and global activism, through the lens of health & housing, and grounded in individuals' experience, is the need of the hour. The full realization of economic, social and cultural rights including rights to food, housing, health, education and work requires significant human, , technological and variety of other resources. Yet limited resources can not be accepted as the principal cause of widespread violations of these rights, and cannot be used as an excuse to deny them to specific individuals and groups. Ethnic minorities, indigenous peoples, women, members of opposition or religious groups, people living with HIV/AIDS or mental disabilities and many others risk injustice as a result of such discriminations and deprivations. The Governments that are keen to encourage investments have often failed to ensure that the big business respects its human rights responsibilities as well. Moreover, they have exposed the population to exploitation through the denial of the right to fair wages and decent working conditions. Functioning independently or through international financial institutions, the governments have often disregarded the rights of people elsewhere, supporting large-scale development projects which have resulted in widespread homelessness and defiance of indigenous peoples' rights. Violations of economic, social and cultural rights are not just a matter of inadequate resources or policy; but a matter of dignity. AI wishes to join the mobilisation for concrete changes in policy and practice to help create space for the marginalised to claim their rights and dignity. We, therefore, invite you to join us for the book release and the panel discussion, and express your solidarity for our campaign for the cause of economic, social and cultural rights of all people. Thanking you. Sincerely Mukul Sharma, Director - 9810801919 Joe Athialy, Campaigns and Communication Coordinator - 9868114470 Soumya Bhaumik, Human Rights Education Coordinator - 9811472549 Contacts: Hitesh Gogia: 9811283747 Sundera Babu: 9811744919 Monami Banerjee: 9818448041 ______ (iii) ANNOUNCEMENT: BAL ADHIKAR SAMVAD, 19 December 2006 (Constitution Club Lawns, V P House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi 110 001) A special gathering, "Bal Adhikar Samvad", is to be held in Delhi on 19 December 2006. This event is an attempt to focus public attention on the fundamental rights of children under the age of six years - including their rights to nutrition, health and pre-school education. Bal Adhikar Samvad is part of a growing campaign for the rights of children under six. Earlier activities of this campaign include a major convention held in Hyderabad (on 7-9 April 2006) and a series of local actions around the country: 'anganwadi divas', bal adhikar yatras, legal action, media events, and more. Bal Adhikar Samvad is an opportunity to learn from these experiences, and plan further activities. It is also an occasion to reiterate our basic demand for "universal" child development services: a lively Anganwadi in every settlement, and full coverage of all children under six. Other items on the programme (see below) include cultural activities and the presentation of a new report, Focus On Children Under Six (FOCUS). About 500 participants from all over the country are expected to take part in Bal Adhikar Samvad. The proceedings will be mainly in English and Hindi. This event is convened by Citizen's Initiative for the Rights of Children Under Six, as part of the "right to food campaign". Professor Amartya Sen has kindly agreed to join us and to be the keynote speaker. You are warmly invited to participate in this event. If you require any assistance ( e.g. with accommodation in Delhi), please send a line to <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>[EMAIL PROTECTED] or call the secretariat of the right to food campaign at 011-4350 1335. We hope to see you on 19 December. Programme Committee [Jean Drèze, Navjyoti, Biraj Patnaik, Spurthi Reddy, Devika Singh, Gurminder Singh, C.P. Sujaya (Advisory group: Ashok Bharti, Asha Mishra, Annie Raja, Aruna Roy, Shantha Sinha, Kavita Srivastava).] BAL ADHIKAR SAMVAD: PROGRAMME (Constitution Club Lawns, 19 December 2006) MORNING SESSION (9.30 am to 2.00 pm) Introduction and welcome [including cultural items] Short presentations [(1) The state of Indian children; (2) FOCUS (Focus On Children Under Six) report; (3) Action for children under six.] Panel discussion [Speakers: Mina Swaminathan, Montek Ahluwalia, Shabana Azmi, Shantha Sinha, Sukhdeo Thorat] Interactive session Keynote address: Amartya Sen. AFTERNOON SESSION (3 pm to 5 pm) Campaign reports [Anganwadi Divas, Bal Adhikar Yatra, Legal Action, etc.] Future activities Concluding address: Aruna Roy For further details please contact the secretariat of the right to food campaign (tel 011-4350 1335, email <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>[EMAIL PROTECTED], website <http://www.righttofoodindia.org/> www.righttofoodindia.org). ______ (iv) 6th KaraFilm Festival (8-18 December 2006) Organized under the aegis of the KaraFilm Society, a grouping of committed young filmmakers, the KaraFilm Festival is a celebration of the moving image and of storytelling. Our goal is to promote an appreciation of the art and craft of filmmaking among a wide population as well as to encourage creativity and high standards among filmmakers. We hope that this will have a salutary effect on the development of the motion picture industry in Pakistan and elsewhere. Many years ago, international film festivals in Karachi attracted large audiences and some of the best filmmakers in the world. Satyajit Ray, for example, was one of a host of world renowned directors screening films in Karachi in the 1960s. With this festival we hope to create, once again, a space for alternative and independent cinema in Pakistan, where both experienced and new filmmakers can exhibit their creative endeavours and where work is recognized on the basis of merit. In addition, the festival also provides an excellent opportunity for filmmakers to meet and learn from each other. http://www.karafilmfest.com/currentkara_2006.htm http://www.karafilmfest.com/KaraFilm2006/schedules_01.htm _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/ SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers. _______________________________________________ SACW mailing list SACW@insaf.net http://insaf.net/mailman/listinfo/sacw_insaf.net