South Asia Citizens Wire | August 9-10, 2008 | 
Dispatch No. 2549 - Year 10 running

[1] The Nagasaki Peace Declaration 2008
[2] U.S.-India nuclear deal weakens nonproliferation  (Philip White)
[3] Pakistan: 
   (i) Polio Campaign Stops As Violence Spreads (Ashfaq Yusufzai)
   (ii) Musharraf Benazir Tapes Uncovered (Umar Cheema)
[4] The Games They Play in Burma (J. Sri Raman)
[5] India: D D Kosambi: The Scholar and the Man (Meera Kosambi)
[6] What Talibanisation? (Nadeem F. Paracha)
[7] 27 US Lawmakers want Modi's visa ban 
extended; Coalition Against Genocide gets support 
from more congresspersons
[8] Announcements:
Talk by Malathi de Alwis: 'Disappeared': 
Political Community in the Wake of Atrocity in 
Sri Lanka (Bombay, 11 August 2008)
        
______


[1]

THE NAGASAKI PEACE DECLARATION 2008

We will not forget the atomic cloud that rose into the sky on that fateful day.

On August 9, 1945 at 11:02 a.m., a single atomic 
bomb dropped by a United States military aircraft 
exploded into an enormous fireball, engulfing the 
city of Nagasaki. Unimaginably intense heat rays, 
blast winds, and radiation; magnificent cathedral 
crumbling; charred bodies scattered amongst the 
ruins; people huddled in groups, their skin 
shredded by countless glass fragments, and the 
stench of death hung over the atomic wasteland.

Some 74,000 people perished and another 75,000 
sustained terrible injuries. Those who somehow 
survived the blast suffered from poverty and 
discrimination, threatened even today by the 
physical and psychological damage caused by 
radiation exposure.

This year marks the 100th anniversary of the 
birth of the city of Nagasaki's first Honorary 
Citizen, Dr. Takashi Nagai. Despite sustaining 
injuries in the atomic blast while at work at 
Nagasaki Medical College, Dr. Nagai devoted 
himself as a physician to the relief of the 
atomic bombing victims, and broadly conveyed the 
horror of the atomic bomb through written works 
such as 'The Bells of Nagasaki', even as he 
himself continued to suffer "radiation sickness". 
Dr. Nagai once said, "There is no winning or 
losing in war; there is only ruin". His words 
transcend time in reminding the world of the 
preciousness of peace and continue today to sound 
a warning to humankind.

The reverberations of a written appeal entitled 
"Toward a Nuclear-Free World" are being felt 
around the world. The authors of this appeal are 
four men who promoted nuclear policy under 
successive American presidents: former US 
Secretaries of State Henry Kissinger and George 
Schultz, former Secretary of Defense William 
Perry, and former Senate Armed Services Committee 
Chairman Sam Nunn.

These four men now promote their country's 
ratification of the Comprehensive 
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and demand that 
the U.S.  keeps the promises it agreed to at the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review 
Conference, calling for the leaders of all the 
countries in possession of nuclear weapons to 
work intensively to reduce nuclear weapons with 
the common aim of creating a world without 
nuclear weapons.

These appeals mirror those that we have been 
making repeatedly in Nagasaki ? the city that 
suffered the fate of an atomic bomb.

We made even stronger demands to the 
nuclear-weapon states. First of all, the U.S. and 
Russia must take the lead in striving to abolish 
nuclear weapons. These two countries, which 
together are said to possess 95% of the world's 
nuclear warheads, should begin implementing broad 
reductions of nuclear weapons instead of 
deepening their conflict over, among others, the 
introduction of a missile-defense system in 
Europe.  The United Kingdom, France, and China 
should also fulfill their responsibility to 
reduce nuclear arms with sincerity.

We also demand that the United Nations and 
international society do not ignore the nuclear 
weapons of North Korea, Pakistan, and Israel, as 
well as the suspicions of nuclear development by 
Iran, but take stern measures against these 
countries. Furthermore, India, whose nuclear 
cooperation with the U.S. is a cause of concern, 
should be strongly urged to join the NPT and CTBT.

Japan, as a nation that has experienced nuclear 
devastation, has a mission and a duty to take a 
leadership role in the elimination of nuclear 
weapons. To ensure the denuclearization of the 
Korean Peninsula, the Japanese Government must 
cooperate with international society to 
forcefully demand that North Korea completely 
destroys its nuclear arsenal. Moreover, based on 
the ideals of peace and renunciation of war 
prescribed in the Japanese Constitution, the 
Japanese government should realize the enactment 
of the Three Non-Nuclear Principles into law and 
seriously consider the creation of a "Northeast 
Asian Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone".

In Nagasaki elderly victims of the atomic bombing 
tell the story of their experiences even as they 
continue to endure physical and psychological 
pain, while young people continue to present 
petitions calling for the abolishment of nuclear 
weapons to the United Nations under the slogan of 
"humble but not helpless". As guides for peace, 
the citizens of Nagasaki stand at the site of 
nuclear devastation and convey the terrible 
realities of the atomic bombing. Medical workers 
respond sincerely to the health problems suffered 
by atomic bomb survivors over a lifetime.

Next year, the cities of Nagasaki and Hiroshima 
will join together to host in Nagasaki the 
General Conference of Mayors for Peace, which has 
a membership of more than 2,300 cities worldwide. 
Banding together with cities around the world, we 
will undertake activities to promote nuclear 
disarmament in the run up to the 2010 NPT Review 
Conference. The city of Nagasaki is also strongly 
encouraging municipalities throughout Japan that 
have made anti-nuclear declarations to join us in 
widening the circle of these activities.

The use of nuclear weapons and war also destroys the global environment.

Unless nuclear weapons are abolished, there is no 
future for humankind.  We ask that the people of 
the world, young people and NGOs, shout out a 
clear "No!" to nuclear weapons.

Some 63 years have passed since the atomic 
bombing and the remaining survivors are growing 
old. We also demand that the Japanese government 
hastens to provide atomic bomb survivors, 
residing both in Japan and overseas, with support 
that corresponds with their reality.

I pray from my heart for the repose of the souls 
of those who died in the atomic bombing, and 
pledge to work untiringly for the elimination of 
nuclear weapons and for the achievement of 
everlasting world peace.


Tomihisa Taue
Mayor of Nagasaki
August 9,  2008

______


[2]

The Japan Times
August 9, 2008

U.S.-INDIA NUCLEAR DEAL WEAKENS NONPROLIFERATION

by Philip White
Special to The Japan Times

On Aug. 1 the Board of Governors of the 
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) 
endorsed a "safeguards agreement" with India that 
would allow inspections of nuclear facilities 
that India designates as "civilian."

The safeguards agreement is one of the key steps 
in the implementation of the U.S.-India Nuclear 
Cooperation Agreement. The remaining steps are a 
unanimous decision by the Nuclear Suppliers Group 
(NSG) to exempt India from its nuclear trade 
rules and acceptance by the U.S. Congress of the 
U.S.-India bilateral agreement.

The safeguards agreement is unprecedented in that 
it was endorsed by the IAEA without India 
providing an official list of facilities to be 
covered. The agreement includes exceptional 
clauses that raise questions about India's 
commitment to the permanence of safeguards and 
gratuitously recognizes India's possession of 
nuclear weapons, even though India is not 
recognized as a nuclear-weapons state under the 
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT).

The agreement doesn't cover facilities that India 
designates as "military" and it allows India to 
decide which of its nuclear facilities are 
"civilian" and which are "military." If 
safeguards are applied according to schedule, 14 
of India's 22 nuclear reactors will be covered by 
2014, but the facilities most relevant to India's 
nuclear-weapons program, including fast-breeder 
reactors, reprocessing plants and 
uranium-enrichment facilities, will not be 
covered.

The U.S.-India nuclear deal creates an exception 
to the international norm of "full-scope 
safeguards" on all nuclear facilities as a 
condition of supply of nuclear material and 
technology. Furthermore, it has been estimated 
that it will enable India to increase its 
production capacity of weapons-grade plutonium 
from the present rate of seven weapons worth a 
year to 40-50 weapons worth a year. Pakistan has 
expressed concerns about the prospect of the 
nuclear balance in South Asia being destabilized 
and has threatened to expand its own nuclear 
stockpile, which would accelerate the arms race 
in South Asia.

The U.S.-India nuclear deal is not just about the 
U.S. and India. An exemption from NSG rules will 
enable India to engage in nuclear trade with 
other countries, including Russia and France, 
both of which have expressed a keen desire to 
export nuclear-power plants to India. In the 
future Japanese companies will no doubt seek to 
engage in nuclear trade with India too, but even 
if they do not export directly, they hope to 
profit through overseas subsidiaries, such as 
Toshiba-owned Westinghouse.

The question arises, how could the 35 countries 
represented on the IAEA Board of Governors have 
accepted such a safeguards agreement and why 
would the 45-member NSG contemplate making a 
consensus decision to grant an India-specific 
exemption to its rules? Indeed, the NSG was 
established in response to a nuclear test carried 
out by India in 1974.

Those who claim that the IAEA Safeguards 
Agreement will be a bonus for nonproliferation 
give no rationale for their claim and those who 
are pressuring the NSG to exempt India from its 
rules have failed to extract any meaningful 
concessions from India. India continues to 
produce highly enriched uranium and plutonium, 
and retains the option of testing nuclear weapons 
again in the future.

The U.S.-India nuclear deal effectively grants 
India the privileges of nuclear-weapons states 
(NWS), without requiring India to accept the NPT 
obligations of other states: the above-mentioned 
full-scope IAEA safeguards for non-NWS and a 
commitment from NWS to negotiate in good faith 
for the elimination of nuclear weapons.

Japan proclaims its status as the only country to 
have been attacked by nuclear weapons. The 
question now facing the Japanese people is will 
they allow the core principles underlying the 
nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament system 
to be gutted by this ill-conceived deal? The 
Japanese government can veto the deal in the NSG. 
It is incumbent on the Japanese people to demand 
that it do so.


Philip White, an Australian, is international 
liaison officer of the Tokyo-based Citizens' 
Nuclear Information Center. He can be contacted 
at: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

______


[3]

Inter Press service
August 7, 2008

PAKISTAN:  POLIO CAMPAIGN STOPS AS VIOLENCE SPREADS

by Ashfaq Yusufzai

TTP's Maulvi Omar (left) insists there is no ban on polio immunisation.

Credit:Ashfaq Yusufzai/IPS

PESHAWAR, Aug 7 (IPS) - The polio eradication 
campaign has ground to a halt in the Swat Valley, 
in northern Pakistan, with the breakdown of a 
peace agreement with a hardline militant group.

In fact, violence has escalated in recent weeks 
in the entire North Western Frontier Province 
(NWFP), except the Peshawar Valley, and the 
Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) with 
the Pakistan Taliban (Islamic fighters) 
tightening control of the border region and now 
threatening to attack the southern port city of 
Karachi.

On Tuesday, Maulana Faqir Mohammad, the central 
vice-chief of the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) and 
Maulvi Mohammad Omar, the spokesman, told a joint 
press conference in Anayat Kalley, some 8 kms 
from Khar, the headquarters of Bajaur Agency in 
FATA, that a suicide squad would be unleashed 
unless the government stops the military 
operations in Swat, NWFP.

Four new cases of polio have been reported from 
Swat, the northernmost district of NWFP. The oral 
polio vaccine (OPV) campaign was resumed after 
more than a year in end-June following a peace 
agreement between the provincial government and 
the TTP.

However, on Jul. 28, the first day of a second 
round of immunisation since June , at least 10 
health workers were severely beaten up in the 
Hazara locality of Matta, confirmed Shaukat Ali, 
the district coordination officer.

He told IPS in a telephone interview that the 
boxes in which they were carrying the vaccine 
were broken, and their documents torn by 
supporters of Maulana Fazlullah, an Islamic 
cleric-turned-leader of the Swat Taliban.

The campaign has again been suspended, and a 
curfew clamped by district authorities.

The peace deal in Swat and Malakand was brokered 
on May 21 by the NWFP government, after several 
rounds of negotiations. In clause 9 of the 
agreement the TTP agreed to support the oral 
polio programme in Swat. Pakistan is one of only 
five countries in the world -- including 
neighbouring India and Afghanistan -- where the 
polio virus still exists.

The TTP kept their word in the first round of 
immunisations, from Jun. 10 to 12. More than 
250,000 children under five years were 
administered the OPV in Swat, many of them for 
the first time. Health workers stayed away from 
nine areas including Matta because of security 
concerns.

According to Dr Waheed Khan, the top polio 
officer in the NWFP, this time 41 of the 65 union 
councils in Swat were partly covered. Health 
workers were again not allowed entry into nine 
union councils, he said.

Eight-month-old Wajeeha Bibi is from Matta, where 
vaccinators were roughed up and turned away. On 
Jul. 21, she tested positive for polio at the 
National Institute of Health, Islamabad.

"Doctors have said that the paralysis will stay 
for life," said her heartbroken father Mujahid 
Shah, a petty shopkeeper. "I wanted to administer 
OPV to my daughter but I feared Taliban reprisal. 
I knew this much that the vaccination was good," 
he told IPS at the Paraplegic Centre in Peshawar 
where he has brought his daughter.

Maulana Fazlullah, the group's charismatic 
leader, had deemed the immunisation campaign a 
U.S. conspiracy to make people impotent and 
infertile, vituperative propaganda that he 
unleashed over his popular FM channel

Elsewhere in Matta locality on Jul. 15, 
seven-month-old Tanzeela Bibi tested positive for 
polio.

"The virus detected in them is P1 (a highly 
virulent strain), which has put the lives of 
children in the nearby villages at a razor's 
edge," warned Dr Khan, the chief polio official. 
Children have not been immunised against polio 
for two years in parts of this troubled border 
area including Matta.

According to figures issued by the World Health 
Organisation (WHO), by Aug. 1, 896 polio cases 
were reported worldwide as against 1,315 during 
the corresponding period last year. Pakistan with 
22 cases is among the top four endemic countries, 
including India (331), Nigeria (483) and 
Afghanistan (13).

Two polio cases were detected in Bajaur Agency on 
the border with Afghanistan on Jul. 22 and Aug. 3 
respectively.

"Parents have never been barred from 
administering OPV to their children," the Swat 
Taliban spokesman, Maulvi Omar, said over the 
phone.

Muslim Khan, spokesman for the TTP in Bajaur, 
told IPS, "We support the campaign wholeheartedly 
and won't ask any body to refuse vaccination of 
their children." He insisted that it was the 
government-imposed curfew that has stopped the 
polio drive and not the Taliban.

In Bajaur Agency, one-year-old Fatima Bibi tested 
positive on Aug. 3 in Nawagai locality where 
5,200 children had been without OPV for two 
years. The first case of polio in the area was 
16-month-old Mehran Khan who was detected on Jul. 
22.

The federal health authorities had to suspend the 
OPV campaign in Bajaur Agency in August last year 
after armed men beat up the vaccinators in the 
Charmang area. On May 25, 2007, FATA's chief 
surgeon, Mohammad Habibullah was killed in a 
roadside blast while coming from a polio-related 
meeting in Bajaur Agency. (END/2008)

o o o

(ii)

The News International
9 August 2008

MUSHARRAF LINKED BENAZIR'S SECURITY TO HER TIES WITH HIM

The Pulitzer Prize winning US journalist has 
released the recorded conversations of Benazir 
Bhutto, Pervez Musharraf, Dick Cheney and 
Condoleezza Rice in his book

by Umar Cheema

NEW YORK: The US intelligence agencies taped 
Benazir Bhutto's phone calls, prior to her 
arrival in Pakistan, in a bid to "play 
under-the-table, cut-throat games more 
effectively", a new book has revealed.

"The Way of the World" authored by a Pulitzer 
Prize winning US journalist Ron Suskind, is full 
of disclosures, with its fair portion about 
Musharraf-Benazir conversation including 
Musharraf's quote "You should understand 
something, your security is based on the state of 
our relationship".

Suskind writes that Benazir Bhutto's case of 
returning to Pakistan was strongly backed by 
Condoleezza Rice-led State Department and equally 
opposed by Vice President Dick Cheney who 
considered Bhutto "complicated and unpredictable".

The book said whenever Benazir Bhutto went harsh 
on Musharraf, the US ambassador in Islamabad 
advised her to "tone down any criticism of 
Musharraf". The author said Bhutto often 
regretted that Vice President Cheney never called 
Musharraf asking him to "behave" and instead kept 
her pressing for coming to terms with him.

As Musharraf, during telephonic conversations, 
refused entertaining her demand of revoking 
provision barring her becoming PM for third time, 
Bhutto said: "What you can give me (then)? May be 
some real reform in election commission".

Musharraf said: "She should not be hoping for 
much there (reforms), either". The book revealed 
US intelligence once intercepted Bhutto's 
conversation with her son, Bilawal. "They've been 
listening to her calls for months, including an 
earlier call she made to her son."

In that call, the book said, she told him 
(Bilawal) about the secret bank accounts that 
hold the family's fortunes that investigators 
have long suspected are ill-gotten. Therefore 
when Bhutto once floated the idea of freezing 
foreign accounts of "key people around 
Musharraf", a US official let her understand that 
the United States could, if need be, "constrain 
her assets" just as she was now suggesting they 
do to Musharraf.

According to the author, Bhutto's representative 
started approaching the State Department, in 
spring 2006 to work out a plan for her return, 
but White House began taking her seriously after 
the widespread demonstrations in backdrop sacking 
of Chief Justice. And this plan was aimed to 
shore up an embattled Musharraf, a single-issue 
ally.

Bhutto would consider, the book said, the lawyers 
and especially Iftikhar Chaudhry were a "problem" 
and that they owned the "high ground of 
principle. While she was sprouting democratic 
rhetoric, the book said, she was caught in the 
deal room - a position in which she came close to 
mirroring the "say one thing but do another" 
behavior of the United States.

The book also discloses details of Bhutto's 
meeting with US Senator John Kerry requesting for 
her security and his reply that "United States is 
generally hesitant to ensure the protection of 
anyone who is not a designated leader".

The notable excerpts from the book related to Pakistan have been given below:

Telephone tapes:

Author said the US National Security Agencies 
(NSAs) were doing this job. Regarding Bhutto's 
conversation with Bilawal, he writes: "The NSA 
was listening. They've been listening to her 
calls for months, including an earlier call she 
made to her son, Bilawal. The subject of the 
secret is often aware that evidence has been 
collected that may be used to drive judgments and 
may be even destructive actions...The NSA, 
meanwhile, has harvested a number of portentous 
conversation of Benazir Bhutto. This should help 
the United States play its under the table, 
cut-throat games more effectively. The intercept 
will be cited inside the US government as 
evidence of Bhutto's unfitness, her corruption. 
It will be used as part of a wider "carrot and 
stick" programme in which the United States let 
Bhutto know they were happy to work with her in 
setting up a marriage with Musharraf, but they 
could make her life difficult if she started to 
improvise and freelance. What they'll overlook is 
the context and her tone in the many calls they 
eavesdrop or overlook the fact that she's scared 
and preparing for the possibility of imminent 
death... Bhutto didn't know about the NSA's 
intercepts, but a US official let her understand 
that the United States could, if need be, 
"constrain her assets," just as she was now 
suggesting they do to Musharraf."

Telephonic conversation with Musharraf:

Referring to conversation that took place three 
weeks before her return when she was meeting US 
lawmakers at Capitol Hill, including John Kerry, 
and State Department officials, he writes: 
"Suddenly the couple (Bhutto-Zardari) turns. One 
of Bhutto's aides is rushing towards them, saying 
he's just gotten a call from one of Musharraf's 
aides. The aide says that Musharraf can't support 
Bhutto on a key demand - the repeal of the 
provision prohibiting a third term for the prime 
ministers - and he wants to talk to her... Bhutto 
takes the call from Islamabad. "The twice-elected 
provision is important to me," she tells 
Musharraf. "If you're retreating from that, what 
can you give me? May be some real reform in the 
election commission?" He says she shouldn't be 
hoping for much there, either. In their many 
calls, he's been surprisingly cordial, often 
quite reasonable. But something has changed. His 
voice is harsh, almost mocking her. She asks if 
the US officials have had conversation with him 
that makes it clear that her safety is his 
responsibility. "Yes, someone has called", 
Musharraf says, and then laughs. "The Americans 
can call all they want with their suggestions 
about you and me, let them call," he tells her... 
He finishes the call with a dose of fair warning. 
"You should understand something," Pervez 
Musharraf says, finally to Benazir Bhutto. "Your 
security is based on the state of our 
relationship." She hangs up the phone feeling as 
though she might be sick.

Regarding Musharraf's call to Bhutto after 
assassination attempt on her arrival in Karachi, 
the author writes: "By the next day, Musharraf 
calls Bhutto at her estate near Karachi. She 
accepts his sympathies reluctantly. "I'm not the 
enemy, Bibi." She says little. She knows the 
lines are tapped. It's a new hand and she is not 
showing her card."

Conversation with Senator John Kerry:

As Bhutto met John Kerry in Washington, three 
weeks before going back to Pakistan, author 
writes: "The priority of this trip is to get 
Bhutto the security support she lacks. October 18 
is only three weeks away. Kerry is swift off the 
mark: "This is a volatile situation you're 
walking into, Benazir." The United States, he 
says, is generally hesitant to ensure the 
protection of anyone who is not a designated 
leader, a provision to prevent US forces from 
becoming embroiled in the internal disputes of 
sovereign nations. "Senator Kerry, I want 
Pakistan to provide me with the security I am 
entitled to under the laws of my country. I'd be 
grateful if you would talk to the Musharraf 
government and tell him the US expects he will 
fulfill those obligations." Kerry sighs. Of 
course, he, a senator, can't conduct unilateral 
foreign policy. "Well, Benazir, I will certainly 
talk to the State Department about that point 
being made to Musharraf," he says as forcefully 
as credulity will allow... Her current fortune, 
however, are in hands of a half-a-dozen people 
beyond her orbit: a tight circle of policy makers 
in senior posts at the State Department and in 
the Vice President's Office. All official 
contacts with Pakistan on Bhutto's behalf must be 
channeled through this small group, overseen, in 
essence, by Cheney and Rice, a duo with a long 
history of internecine combat. Most of it 
dominated by the vice president."

Condoleezza Rice Vs. Dick Cheney:

"The initiative to reinsert Bhutto into Pakistan, 
was, in fact, launched and led by Rice and her 
State Department. Cheney's position, expressed to 
the president on several occasions, was 'don't 
mess with this,' according to one of his senior 
foreign policy advisers. 'Our feeling,' said 
Cheney's adviser, summing up the view of the vice 
president, "was that arranging this marriage can 
only backfire on us. Bhutto is complicated and 
unpredictable. It's best to just support 
Musharraf, give him whatever he wants or needs to 
stay in power.' 'Our position,' the advisor 
added, 'is that this whole thing with Bhutto is 
being run out of state. Let them fly or fall on 
their own."

Rice-Bhutto telephone talk:

Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher, 
who's been handling the Bhutto-Musharraf talks, 
falls ill and needs to be hospitalized. Condi 
Rice tries to step in. She calls a London hotel 
where Bhutto is meeting Pakistani supporters. 
Bhutto does not take the call. "Someone said that 
Condi Rice was on the phone," she (Bhutto) said 
later, I thought they were joking"... She and 
Bhutto talk several times through a long night 
and into the next morning, ironing out some 
sticking points with Musharraf. Bhutto tells her 
she's concerned about her security... She's 
suspicious that the United States sees her value 
mostly as a means to shore up Musharraf - rather 
than as a champion of democratic ideals - and to 
describe her exchange with the general would show 
just untenable a couple they would make.

Musharraf's visa denial to security firm:

Two days before she boards the plane, Bhutto is 
concerned. Her team has been frantically trying 
to beef up her security... Mark Siegel and Larry 
Wallace, Bhutto's American advisers, have been 
working the problem with Blackwater. In 
September, representatives from the firm flew to 
meet with Bhutto at her home in Dubai and laid 
out several security plans, each costing about 
$400,000 per month. They intended to work in 
conjunction with affiliated firms inside of 
Pakistan, because Musharraf had blocked visas 
from being issued to imported Americans security 
personnel for Bhutto... She turns the firm down. 
She knows that the United States has accepted 
Musharraf's assurance that he had her security 
under control, but she does not trust him and 
sends an "in the event of my death" note, 
identifying various hard-line Islamist officials 
in his orbit who should be held responsible in 
the event that she is killed.

* Refused to remove ban on third time prime minister

* Benazir asked for EC reforms but Musharraf said 
do not hope for much there either

* US talked with Benazir seriously only after 
protests against sacking of deposed CJ to bail 
out the president

* US ambassador advised her to tone down criticism of Musharraf

* Dick Cheney declared Benazir a complicated and 
unpredictable personality and advocated continued 
support to Musharraf

* US threatened Benazir with constraining her 
assets when she talked about freezing foreign 
assets of Musharraf aides

* Benazir did not trust Musharraf and identified her killers in a note


______



[4]

truthout.org,
07 August 2008

THE GAMES THEY PLAY IN BURMA

by J. Sri Raman

photo
A protester in Burma suffers from tear-gas. 
August 8 is the commencement of the Chinese 
Olympics, but also marks the anniversary of the 
3,000 Burmese people who were killed by a 
repressive military regime in 1988 during an 
uprising demanding democracy.
(Photo: National League for Democracy-Liberated Area / AP)

     On August 8, a small team of six athletes 
from Burma is scheduled to participate in the 
opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in Beijing. 
Very few back home, however, may be wondering on 
this occasion about the team's fortunes in the 
field, track, swimming, archery, rowing and 
canoeing events to follow. To millions of 
Burmese, the day will only bring agonizing 
memories of a defeated uprising for democracy.

     An estimated 3,000 fell to the bullets of a 
brutally repressive military regime, as the 
Burmese people rose in revolt on August 8, 1988, 
remembered since then as 8.8.88 or simply as 
8888. A large number of protesters fled the 
country, to survive as refugee populations in 
neighboring countries ranging from Thailand to 
India. On the 20th anniversary of the uprising, 
the Beijing pageantry will be blurred for many, 
many families as they tearfully recall the time 
they were torn asunder.

     Burma had been under jackboots for 26 years 
at that time. In the two decades since then, many 
have professed and proclaimed support for the 
country's pro-democracy movement. The Burmese 
people, however, have only witnessed an 
ever-worsening situation.

     We hear much talk in the media about the 
glaring contrast between Beijing's glittering 
sports show and its backing for Burma's junta. We 
have even heard calls for a boycott of the 
Olympics, which were bound to go unheeded. Very 
little, however, is heard of what proud 
democracies have done to help Burma's 
pro-democracy movement. What is the record of the 
US, the West and, last but not least, India, 
especially after forging a "strategic 
partnership" for the cause of democracy, in this 
regard?

     On the eve of the anniversary, of course, 
President George W. Bush was himself present in 
person in close neighborhood, in Thailand, to 
provide the Burmese comfort and confidence. First 
Lady Laura Bush, whose heart has been bleeding 
for Burma though not for Iraq, has already made a 
well-publicized visit to a Burmese refugee camp 
on the border.

     Neither her mission nor Bush's tribute to the 
"treatment of refugees by the government of 
Thailand," deemed his democratic ally despite the 
military's control over it, has stopped the 
reported official swoops on Burmese slums and the 
dispatch of refugees to the border over the past 
few days.

     From August 3 on, according to rebel sources, 
the Burmese junta has been reinforcing "security" 
along the border. Over 10 battalions or 10,000 
troops, along with artillery, are said to have 
been deployed in these areas. The junta would 
appear to have acted on its anticipation of a 
more serious show of resistance here than inside 
Burma on the anniversary.

     Within the country, too, the well-known 
Generation 88 group has called for renewed 
protests. Indications are that the call is 
already finding a response on the university 
campuses, with students putting up prohibited 
posters and distributing pamphlets. While the 
junta cannot stop Burmese expatriates from 
raising the pro-democracy banner everywhere, it 
is trying its utmost to prevent a repetition of 
last year's rebellion.

     The 2007 uprising, which began on August 15, 
was of a much smaller scale than 8888. But it was 
serious and significant enough to shake the army 
rulers. A big increase in junta-fixed fuel prices 
sparked off the revolt, in which hundreds were 
killed (though the official tally of the toll was 
only 13.) Sounds of solidarity emanated from 
Washington and Western capitals, but these have 
spelt no real succor to the Burmese people.

     The junta has gone ahead with a fake 
"referendum" to foist a constitution on the 
country, which bars legendary Aung San Suu Kyi 
from contesting the elections promised to be held 
in 2010, on the ground of her marriage to a 
foreigner.

     She and her National League for Democracy won 
a landslide victory in the last elections 
conducted in 1990. She has been under house 
detention for most of the time since then. The 
detention was extended last in May 2008, after 
all the Western proclamations in support of the 
pro-democracy movement.

     No one is suggesting for a moment that Bush 
should have attempted a "regime change" here 
though no such vital stake as the Middle East oil 
was involved. But the junta may have just 
listened a little better if Washington and the 
West had sounded more sincere about their 
sanction.

     Despite all the pro-democracy fervor of the 
First Family, for example, the US Senate approved 
new trade sanctions against Burma in the third 
week of July - only after excluding a provision 
that would have eliminated a large Chevron tax 
break. Burmese activists had supported the 
provision to pressure Chevron to sever its ties 
with the junta. Nyunt Than of the Burmese 
American Democratic Alliance did not mince words: 
"Unless Chevron is out of there, the United 
States doesn't have the moral authority to tell 
other countries to get out."

     As for the rest if the West, the case of 
French oil company Total S. A. provides a 
convincing testimony to a callous policy that 
puts profits over the pro-democracy movement. In 
February 2006, when the company proudly announced 
that, by exploiting high oil prices, it had 
raised its fourth-quarter profits by 62 percent 
to $5.2 billion, protesters in London pointed out 
that the performance must really be attributed to 
exploitation of the Burmese people.

     By its involvement in Burma's Yadana 
pipeline, Total is "involved in what is 
essentially the single largest foreign investment 
project in Burma, the single largest source of 
hard currency for the regime," according to Marco 
Simons of the Earth Rights International.

     As for India, which had once conferred its 
highest civilian honor on Suu Kyi, it has been 
competing with others in collaboration with the 
junta. In July 2007, just before the last 
uprising, India's plans to sell advanced light 
helicopters (ALHs) to Burma were leaked. Outraged 
rights activists then pointed out that this made 
a mockery of the European Union's official 
embargo on sale of military goods to Burma. This, 
they said, was because the ALHs included "rocket 
launchers from Belgium, engines from France, 
brake systems from Italy, fuel tanks and 
gearboxes from Britain."

     Trade between India and Burma is said to have 
expanded from $87.4 million in 1990-91 to over 
$600 million now. New Delhi is particularly proud 
of a project envisaging creation of a link 
between ports on India's east and the Sittwe port 
in western Burma. The $100 million Kaladan 
Multi-Modal Transport Project is expected to 
provide an alternative route for transport of 
goods to northeast India, where New Delhi faces a 
long-festering problem of insurgency.

     The 20th anniversary of 8888 promises only a 
tough and lengthy struggle for the people of 
Burma, one in which they cannot hope for real 
assistance from the world's best-advertised 
democracies. Whether the Burmese athletes win 
medals in Beijing or not, the pro-democracy 
movement can only look forward to the loneliness 
of the long-distance runner.

A freelance journalist and a peace activist in 
India, J. Sri Raman is the author of "Flashpoint" 
(Common Courage Press, USA). He is a regular 
contributor to Truthout.


______


[5]


Economic and Political Weekly
26 July 2008

D D KOSAMBI: THE SCHOLAR AND THE MAN

by Meera Kosambi

D D Kosambi enjoys a unique international 
identity as a brilliant, profound and original 
scholar who straddled many fields of knowledge 
where he made multiple scholarly contributions. 
This essay outlines the vastness of his 
intellectual canvas, provides a short 
biographical sketch and also describes some 
facets of a fascinating personality.

Full Text at: http://www.epw.org.in/epw//uploads/articles/12477.pdf


______


[6]


Sunday Magazine / Dawn
August 10, 2008

Smoker's Corner: WHAT TALIBANISATION?

by Nadeem F. Paracha

"Will it also surprise you if I told you that I 
have read the Bible, the Torah, the Bhagvad Gita, 
Karl Marx's The Communist Manifesto and Hitler's 
Mein Kampf?"

It was 1991. I'd just quit the University of 
Karachi and joined a weekly magazine as a feature 
writer. My office was on the fourth floor in a 
building on I. I. Chundrigarh Road. I headed down 
to get myself a pack of cigarettes and a 
saada-khushbu paan. The moment I stepped out, my 
way was politely blocked by three young tableeghi 
jamaat recruits.

"Aslaamulalaikum," said one of them in a 
swallowing Arabic accent. "Walaikum," said I.
"Jinaab," he said, ever so courteously, "it is 
time for Asar prayers. Why aren't you at the 
mosque?"
"Well, why aren't you?" I asked.
"We will be, but we are already doing a naik kaam (good deed)," he said.
"I see. What makes you think that I am not doing 
a naik kaam as well?" I asked, equally politely.
"I'm sure you are," he said. "Par lagta hai aap 
namaz kum parh tey hein," (it seems you do not 
pray much).
"How do you know that?" I replied, "Kya 
namaazioon key parr hotay hain?" (Why, do praying 
people have wings?).
"Janaab, if you don't want to go to the mosque, 
why not give some charity to it," he said, still 
smiling.
"Charity for a mosque?" said I. "Merey bhai, 
mosques are all that Zia-ul-Haq ever built in 
Pakistan. I think you people will please Allah 
more if you gathered charity for schools and 
hospitals instead!"
The guy smiled again, "woh tou bohat hain (there are more than enough).
"Acha. Yeh kab hooah? (Really? When did that happen?)" I laughed.
He shook his head, smiled, half-closed his eyes 
and said, "Allah aap ko hidayat dey aur Š."
I interrupted: "Š Aur aap ko aqal!"
He didn't look very pleased, and without shaking 
my hand, walked away. Not smiling anymore.

* * * * *

It was 1994. I was an assistant editor and 
columnist for an English daily in Karachi. On a 
visit to our Lahore office, I took a break to 
check out a book store at Liberty Market. There I 
was approached by a kid in his late teens.

"Hello. You are NFP, right?"
"ErrŠ yes."
"I am Danish."
"Hello, Danish."
"I read your stuff,"
"Great."
"It's very interesting. Keep it up"
"Thank you, Danish."
"Okay. Nice meeting you Mr Paracha."
"Nice meeting you too Danish."
(Danish turned, paused, and then turned to face me again).
"Mr Paracha?"
"Yes, Mr Danish."
"Have you read the Quran?"
"ErrŠ yes Danish I have."
"In English?"
"Yes, Danish, in English."
"How did it change you?"
"Why Danish, do you think I should change?"
"I was just wondering."
"I see. Are you surprised that I have read the Quran?"
"Actually, yes."
"Well, Danish. Will it also surprise you if I 
told you that I have also read the Bible, the 
Torah, the Bhagvad Gita, Karl Marx's The 
Communist Manifesto and Hitler's Mein Kampf?"
Danish was still. Almost expressionless. Then 
chuckled: "Mr NFP. Always trying to be different."
"Yes, Danish. And so should you," I said, handing him a Batman comic.

* * * * *

It was 2002. I was working as a creative group 
head at an advertising agency and sitting with 
the Creative Director who was a woman. A young 
female employee came into her office and 
complained that a male colleague of hers, a 
bearded man in his 30s, was constantly advising 
her to wear a duppata.

The Creative Director kept her cool, sent the 
lady back to her seat and called the man.

"Why are you going around saying this to women?" 
she asked him. He remained quiet.

She continued: "I'm sure a lot of people do not 
like your beard, but has anyone over here ever 
told you to shave it off?"

The man was shocked. He looked at me and then at 
the Creative Director. Then a weepy, squeaky 
"sorry" appeared from deep down his throat.

"End of jihad," I thought.

* * * * *

It was 2006. I got a call from an agitated man on 
my cell. He was angry about a few articles of 
mine.

"How can you defend France's laws banning hijabs 
in public schools?" he asked, agitatedly.

"They've banned Sikh turbans and the wearing of 
Christian crosses and the Jewish Star of David as 
well," I told him.

"Yes, but the law is really against the Muslims!" he insisted.

"No," said I. "The law is against exhibiting 
overt religious symbols in public. France is a 
secular country and it has every right to do so. 
What if a European woman appears in a mini-skirt 
on Zainab Market? You will say, since you are an 
Islamic republic, you have the right to ban such 
attire in public, wouldn't you. I think they 
tolerate a lot more hijabs and turbans in their 
country than we can ever tolerate crosses, shorts 
and skirts in ours!"

"You are just against Islam!" Saying this, he simply dropped the line.

* * * * *

It was 2007. My apartment building had run out of 
water. I accompanied the building's President to 
check the situation. The President called the 
chowkidar, saying "Yaar, ever since you have 
come, we have started to have this water problem."

The President then turned towards me and in all 
seriousness announced: "Nadeem sahib, this 
chowkidar of ours does not pray regularly."

I nodded.

"You know," the President continued in all 
earnest, "the chowkidar we had before him used to 
pray right here over the water tank and 
ma'shallah we used to have tons of water!"

"Aab-i-zam-zam?" I asked, jokingly.

But the President remained serious. "This guy should start praying here!"

"Right!" said I, slightly irritated. Then turning 
towards the embarrassed chowkidar I told him, 
"You better start praying over the water tank. 
Who knows, this time we might strike oil!"


______


[7]


27 US Lawmakers want Modi's visa ban extended; 
Coalition Against Genocide gets support from more 
congresspersons

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
August 9, 2008

Washington D.C.: Coalition Against Genocide (CAG) 
which is widely campaigning on Capitol Hill has 
bagged support from 27 more US lawmakers in 
urging the State Department to continue the ban 
on Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi from 
entering the United States.

In an important rebuke to Mr. Modi, twenty seven 
prominent lawmakers led by Congressman Joseph 
Pitts (R-PA) have urged the State Department to 
once again reaffirm its decision to keep Mr Modi 
from entering the United States. It was reported 
earlier that the Gujarat Chief Minister might 
apply for a visa to attend the World Gujarati 
Conference in New Jersey from August 29th - 31st 
2008 on the invitation of Gujarati businessmen 
with strong ties to extreme Hindu nationalist 
ideologies.

Congressman Joseph Pitts and twenty six 
co-signers urged the State Department, in the 
letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, to 
take note of the serious human rights violations, 
persecution of minorities and total disregard of 
religious freedom practiced in direct 
contravention of International Human Rights norms 
and treaties by the BJP Government in Gujarat. 
They drew specific attention to the plight of the 
100,000 victims of genocide unable to return to 
their homes, followed by the continuous attempts 
to obstruct a legitimate and fair trial to bring 
the perpetrators of the 2002 communal genocide to 
justice. "Mr. Modi and his administration closed 
the files on over 2,000 police cases where the 
victims filed reports of rapes, killings and 
destruction of their property" noted the letter.

Earlier last year, in an exposé by the 
investigative magazine Tehelka, the Gujarat state 
prosecutor appointed by Mr. Modi was captured on 
video confessing to protecting the perpetrators 
of the 2002 violence. Further, one of the accused 
involved in the killings, detailed the favor from 
Modi's office to have several court judges 
transferred to protect him from any convictions.

The letter also drew attention to the State 
Department Report on the Gujarat Government's 
promotion of Nazi Ideology "The role of Chief 
Minister Narendra Modi and his government in 
promoting attitudes of racial supremacy, racial 
hatred and the legacy of Nazism through his 
government's support of school textbooks in which 
Nazism is condoned. For example, in a high school 
social studies textbook, the "charismatic 
personality" of "Hitler the Supremo" and the" 
achievements" of Nazism are described at length. 
The textbook does not even acknowledge Nazi 
extermination policies or concentration camps 
except for a passing reference to a policy of 
opposition towards the Jewish people and 
[advocacy for] the supremacy of the German race".

This letter comes close on the heels by similar 
letters written by Congresswoman Betty McCollum 
(D-MN), Congressman Joe Sestak (D-PA) and the 
United States Commission on International 
Religious Freedom (USCIRF) urging similar action 
against Mr. Modi, who has been characterized as 
the architect of the pogroms in 2002 against the 
Muslim community by several Citizens' panels and 
Human Rights organizations in India and abroad.

The Coalition Against Genocide includes a diverse 
spectrum of organizations and individuals in the 
United States and Canada that have come together 
in response to the Gujarat genocide to demand 
accountability and justice.


CONTACT:
Dr. Hari Sharma
Phone: 604-420-2972

Dr. Hyder Khan
Phone/Fax: 443-927-9039

Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Website: http://coalitionagainstgenocide.org


REFERENCES:

Did this letter stop Modi?
Text of the previous letter written in 2002 by 
Congressman Joesph Pitts and 21 others urging the 
US State Department for Modi's visa denial.
Rediff.com, March 18, 2005
http://www.rediff.com/news/2005/mar/18pitts.htm

Five years on - the bitter and uphill struggle for justice in Gujarat
Amnesty International Report, published on March 2007, 19 pages.
http://amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA20/007/2007/en/dom-ASA200072007en.pdf

India: A pattern of unlawful killings by the Gujarat police
Amnesty International Briefing, published on May 24, 2007, 15 pages.
http://amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA20/011/2007/en/dom-ASA200112007en.pdf

'Nazi' row over Indian textbooks
Human rights campaigners in India's Gujarat state 
have condemned school textbooks which they say 
praise Hitler.
BBC News UK, July 23, 2005
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4711475.stm

India: Gujarat Chief Minister Endorses Unlawful Killings
Human Rights Watch, December 7, 2007
http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/12/07/india17510_txt.htm

Devil's Advocate
(Transcript of Gujarat Advocate General Arvind 
Pandya confessing to protecting the perpetrators 
of 2002 Gujarat massacres, captured on a hidden 
camera by Tehelka Magazine in a recent expose)
http://www.tehelka.com/story_main35.asp?filename=Ne031107DEVIL.asp
VIDEO CONFESSION: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A9KlevWeYrE

"After Killing Them, I Felt Like Maharana Pratap"
(Transcript of Babu Bajrangi's confessions caught 
on a hidden video camera by Tehelka Magazine in a 
recent expose)
http://www.tehelka.com/story_main35.asp?filename=Ne031107After_killing.asp
VIDEO CONFESSION: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mfnTl_Fwvbo

______


[8] Announcements:


The Centre for Media & Cultural Studies, TISS 
would like to invite you to a talk:

Tracing the 'Disappeared': Political Community in the Wake of Atrocity

Speaker:           Malathi de Alwis

Date:                11 August 2008, Monday

Time:                4 pm - 6 pm

Place:               Classroom: IV, TISS Old Campus, Deonar, Mumbai

Abstract:

Forced disappearance is one of the most insidious 
forms of violence as it seeks to obliterate the 
body and indefinitely extends and exacerbates the 
grief of those left behind. In this paper, I 
consider how such chronic mourners 'reinhabit the 
world' in the face of continuously deferring 
loss, and seek to theorise what might be its 
political outcome(s). Arguing that this 
re-inhabiting is a constant tracing of traces 
given the ambiguous nature of the disappeared's 
status of absence, and thus presence, I explore a 
particular 'identification with suffering' that 
is embraced and embodied by Sinhala women whose 
children were 'disappeared' during the second 
People's Liberation Front (JVP) uprising 
(1988-1993). In such a context, visual and 
tactile objects such as photographs and clothing, 
I suggest, become especially meaningful by 
reasserting the presence of the disappeared. In 
conclusion, I engage Judith Butler's contention 
that grief is a tie that binds and thus enables 
the imagining of alternative political 
communities to reflect on how such a 
conceptualization might be helpful to 
re-invigorate political communities in Sri Lanka.


About the Speaker:
Malathi de Alwis is a Senior Research Fellow at 
the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, 
Colombo, Sri Lanka and also teaches in the 
Faculty of Graduate Studies, University of 
Colombo. She is the co-editor, with Kumari 
Jayawardena, of Embodied Violence: Communalising 
Women's Sexuality in South Asia (1996) and of 
Feminists under Fire: Exchanges Across War Zones 
(2003), with Wenona Giles et al. Her current work 
explores how people re-inhabit their worlds  in 
the wake of extraordinary violence and 
devastating loss.


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: http://sacw.net/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.


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