http://www.economist.com/news/books-and-arts/21661561-treatment-autistic-children-20th-century-was-shocking-horrible-history
EVERYTHING about autism, which is among the most common and the most
slippery of mental conditions, is contested. The American Psychiatric
Association, which determines what ailments American insurance
companies will pay to treat, classifies it as a disorder. Many parents
of autistic children are desperately searching for a cure, and find
themselves easy prey for people who overpromise, selling remedies that
have no scientific basis. Plenty of other people think that
autism—which is characterised, among other things, by an inward focus
that makes it hard to abide by the conventions of social behaviour—is
not a disorder at all, and therefore has no need of a cure. America’s
Centres for Disease Control and Prevention thinks that one in 68
children in the country have at least a touch of autism, which if true
means there are more autistic Americans than Jewish ones. This too is
contested.

Steve Silberman’s interest in autism was prompted more than a decade
ago by his work in Silicon Valley for Wired magazine. He kept coming
across software engineers with autistic children and, in an article
entitled “The Geek Syndrome”, speculated whether this was a
coincidence. Work by Simon Baron-Cohen at Cambridge University
suggests it is not. Mr Baron-Cohen’s team has shown that people who
have engineers for grandfathers are far more likely to be diagnosed
with autism. In “Neurotribes” Mr Silberman goes further. He traces the
prehistory of autism, which he argues persuasively was around long
before it was given a name in the 1940s, and explains how a condition
that now seems common is the product of ego-driven scientists and of
the unusual circumstances in which they worked.

The book begins on Clapham Common, in south London, in the 18th
century with the perambulations of Henry Cavendish, an aristocratic
scientist obsessed (in the proper sense) with measurement. Cavendish
took the same route around the common at the same time every night; he
ate the same meal every day; wore the same clothes, insisting that his
tailor replicate them when they wore out. He avoided eye contact with
people. Colleagues at the Royal Society found that they could engage
Cavendish in conversation only if they avoided addressing him
directly. Yet he was only turned inward in a cocktail-party sense: he
endowed a library which scholars were free to borrow from (so long as
they did not talk to him) and shared his scientific discoveries with
anyone who was interested. Among them were hydrogen, his “inflammable
air”, and an accurate estimate of the Earth’s mass, which he
calculated on his own at home using instruments of his own design.

Cavendish died 130 years before autism was recognised, but his
biography suggests he would have been a good candidate for diagnosis.
The same goes for Nikola Tesla, who could not sit comfortably at a
breakfast table without calculating the precise volume of the coffee
cups on it, or for Paul Dirac, whose work predicted the existence of
antimatter. Faced with some marital tension over his tendency to
ignore his wife (and everybody else, really), Dirac constructed a
spreadsheet where he could insert her queries and make sure he
answered them properly, an arrangement that seems to have worked
rather well for the Diracs.

Yet for all its current associations with outstanding brains, autism
was first identified as a pathological state. Before it got its own
label, the condition was referred to as childhood schizophrenia. At
the core of “Neurotribes” is an explanation of how autism emerged as
the product of conflicts between psychiatrists anxious for career
advancement, as played out against the backdrop of the Holocaust. The
chief protagonists in this story are Hans Asperger, he of the
syndrome, and Leo Kanner, who is widely credited with the invention of
autism in a paper published in 1943.

Asperger’s syndrome, which has been dropped from the latest version of
the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, the textbook of American
psychiatry, has been criticised for its focus on brilliant oddballs
and also for its basis in a small number of observed cases. Yet Mr
Silberman shows that Asperger, who was working in Nazi-controlled
Austria, deliberately played up the brilliance of his patients in the
hope of saving them from murder, and that his work was in fact based
on the study of a large number of children who were less obviously
gifted. German eugenicists, inspired by work in America, referred to
such children as “useless eaters” and said the kindest thing would be
to kill them. Asperger lost this argument, but continued his work in a
place that made it impossible. One haunting image in the book is of
his head nurse buried alive in Vienna by an Allied bomb, her arms
wrapped protectively around a young patient.

Cold parents, autistic children

Kanner would surely have known of this work, done by a fellow
German-speaker, but chose to ignore it. The Nazis dragged Kanner’s
70-year-old Jewish mother to a gas chamber and scattered the rest of
his family. After a spell working in a primitive asylum in South
Dakota, he fetched up in Baltimore, where autism was born. Kanner was
so keen to make a brilliant breakthrough that he insisted that his
discovery was new and rare, when it was neither. That bit of vanity
might have been more forgivable had he not also speculated, on flimsy
evidence, that the parents of autistic children were unusually cold.
Time magazine ran a story headlined “Frosted Children” about these
“Diaper-Age Schizoids”. The slur on refrigerator mothers took decades
to fade.

Much of the subsequent history of autism has been about recovering
from Kanner’s mistakes. In his defence, Kanner never used a cattle
prod, unlike some other doctors trying to treat autistic children.
Perhaps the grimmest case Mr Silberman cites is of a child who would
not stop crying being subjected to electroconvulsive therapy, after
which he never spoke again. This sort of stuff is, thankfully, now
largely forbidden. But most treatments for autism still inhabit the
realm of chelation, supplements, strange diets and other junky
science.

If “Neurotribes” has a shortcoming, it is a minor one. By focusing on
some of the most interesting cases, Mr Silberman says little about
autistic people with severe learning difficulties who will probably
require lifelong care. It may be that in a generation the diagnosis
thrashed out by Asperger, Kanner and their heirs will splinter anew
into lots of separate syndromes, and the notion of an autism spectrum,
which is currently used to make sense of a situation where people with
very different characteristics are given the same diagnosis, will
fade. Whatever the future of autism, though, Mr Silberman has surely
written the definitive book about its past.

-- 
Avinash Shahi
Doctoral student at Centre for Law and Governance JNU



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