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On Friday, January 3, 2014 at 5:50:18 PM UTC+5:30, AYUSH Adivasi Yuva 
Shakti wrote:

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> there is no definition and para meters in constitution to define Scheduled 
> Tribe.This is the borrowed concept of East India Company and European 
> colonization's slavery code imposed on Indigenous people and same adopted 
> in Constitution as to to. During the Constitution debate Nov.1949, 
> Adivasi representative Mr. Jaipal Singh Manda was raised the points before 
> Hon;ble Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, (Chairman Drafting Committee) Pt. Jawahar 
> Lal Neharu ( Prime Minister) , and Dr. Rajendra Prasad ( President) that....
> " You are saying to me jangali Adivasi, yes I am proud to be Adivasi, but 
> why you people are not saying to me Adivasi in Constitution" ? The answer 
> is still awaited and all intellectuals are silence.
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> यावर भारतीय घटना समितीमध्ये आदिवासीचे प्रतिनिधित्व करणारे मा. जयपाल सिंग 
> मुंडा म्हणतात की, आदिवासीवर ६हजार वर्षापासून केलेल्या अन्यायाची पुनरावृती 
> स्वतंत्र भारताच्या घटनेत करण्यात आली. हा भारतीय आधुनिक लोकशाहीतील 
> आदिवासीच्या संदर्भातला काळा इतिहास आहे. . डॉ. राजेंद्र प्रसाद भारताचे पहिले 
> राष्ट्रपती, पं. जवाहरलाल नेहरू भारताचे पहिले पंतप्रधान , आणि डॉ. बाबासाहेब 
> आंबेडकर भारतीय घटनेचे शिल्पकार यांच्यासमोर, मा. जयपाल सिंग मुंडा, आपल्या 
> ''Objective Resolution'' या विषयावरील पहिल्या भाषणात आदिवासीच्या संदर्भाने 
> मांडतात की… 
> ‘’Sir, if there is any group of Indian people, that has been shabbily 
> treated it is my people. They have been disgracefully treated, neglected 
> for the 6000 years. The history of the Indus Valley civilization a child of 
> which I am, show quite clearly that it is the new comers most of you here 
> are intruders as far as I am concerned.’’
> त्याही पुढे मा. जयपाल सिंग मुंडा यांनी आदिवासींना जंगली म्हणविनाऱ्या घटना 
> समितीच्या सदस्यांना ठकवून सांगितले की, '' तुम्ही आम्हाला जंगली म्हणता? 
> आम्ही जंगली नसून या देशाचे मूळनिवासी आहोत. आताच आपण मला आदिवासी म्हटले. होय 
> मी आदिवासीच आहे आणि आदिवासी असल्याचा मला स्वाभिमान आहे. पण आपण आम्हास, 
> भारतीय घटनेत आदिवासी का म्हणीत नाही ? मा. जयपाल सिंग मुंडा यांच्या या 
> कडव्या सवालावर भारतीय घटना समितीच्या सर्व सदस्यानी मौन पाळले होते. या मौन 
> धारण करणाऱ्यावर मा . जयपाल सिंग मुंडा अतिशय दुःख व्यक्त करतात की, आदिवासीने 
> नकेलेल्या चुकीला, भारताच्या आधुनिक लोकशाहीमध्ये साकारून आदिवासीच्या वांशिक 
> गटाचे अस्तित्व समूळ नष्ट करण्याचे षड्यंत्र उभे केले.
>
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> Jaipal Singh Munda: January, 1903 – March, 1970. A distinguished 
> parliamentarian, a sportsman of international repute, an educationist, a 
> politician with great vision and courage, a powerful orator with mastery 
> over multiple national and foreign languages, Jaipal Singh Munda was a 
> multi-faceted personality.
>
> With a typical Munda ear for music, love for dance and theatre, the “man 
> extraordinary” was destined to lead the Adivasi movement. A student of St 
> John’s College, Oxford, Jaipal graduated in 1926 with Honours in Economics. 
> At Oxford he made a name as an all- rounder, excelling in studies, sports 
> and in debating. He was an Oxford blue in hockey and a regular columnist on 
> hockey in the London press. He was the president of the Junior Common Room 
> at St John’s College, an honour not non-British student managed.
>
> As the president of the Oxford Indian Majlis, Jaipal interacted with 
> personalities like C.F. Andrews, Annie Besant and Lala Lajpat Rai. The 
> leader of the Swatantra Party, N.G. Ranga, a contemporary of Jaipal in 
> Oxford had said of him, “ Even in those days, Jaipal would never tolerate 
> denigration of Indians by the British, he was unique in many ways”.
>
> In 1927-28 Jaipal was selected as a Indian Civil Service probationer that 
> required two years of training in Oxford. During this period, he was 
> appointed the captain of the first Indian national hockey team in the 
> Olympic Hockey Tournament in Amsterdam in 1928, where India won the gold. 
> He led his team successfully through all the matches. However, he did not 
> play in the title clash with Holland as he had to return to London for his 
> ICS final.
>
> Jaipal scored highest marks in ICS viva voce, but was asked to repeat a 
> year as he broke the term for his Amsterdam trips. Jaipal felt humiliated 
> at this, specially after his hockey laurels for which even the viceroy of 
> India had wired congratulatory messages to him. He resigned from ICS and 
> took up a job with Burma Shell as a senior executive, appointed directly by 
> the chairman of the company. During his posting in Calcutta, he married 
> Tara Wienfried Majumdar, the grand-daughter of Woomesh Chandra Banerjee, 
> the first and the third president of the Indian National Congress. In 1934, 
> Jaipal joined as a commerce teacher at the Prince of Wales College at 
> Achimota, Gold Coast, Ghana. In 1937, he returned to India as the 
> vice-principal and the principal incumbent of the Rajkumar College, Raipur. 
> In 1938, he left the school and joined as the colonization minister and 
> revenue commissioner in the Bikaner princely State and was promoted as 
> foreign secretary. Jaipal thought that with his varied experience he could 
> be more useful to the country through the Congress. His encounter with 
> Rajendra Prasad at the Sadaaquat Ashram in Patna, however, did not go well. 
> The then Governor of Bihar, Sir Maurice Hallet offered to nominate him to 
> the Bihar Legislative Council but Jaipal declined. Sir Hallet and the Chief 
> Secretary of Bihar, Robert Russell, then suggested that he return to Ranchi 
> and take charge of the Adivasi movement that had just started.
>
> In deference to their wishes, Jaipal now decided to go to Ranchi and 
> assess the situation for himself. The return to Ranchi was Jaipal’s 
> homecoming.
>
>
> Biography is a genre poorly developed in India, but there do exist 
> serviceable lives of our major nationalist leaders. Those interested in 
> Gandhi and Gokhale can read works on them by B.R. Nanda. Admirers of Patel 
> can turn to the life of the Sardar by Rajmohan Gandhi. And both admirers 
> and detractors of Jawaharlal Nehru can turn, for ammunition, to the 
> three-volume biography by Sarvepalli Gopal.
>
> These works have their limitations. For one thing, they all focus on the 
> politics, leaving out the personality. Still, these books are solidly 
> researched and reliable, and provide a decent enough account of their 
> subjects’ political careers. Less fortunate have been Indian politicians 
> who worked outside the realm of the Congress. There are no lives, good or 
> bad, of such figures as the Kashmiri nationalist, Sheikh Abdullah, the Sikh 
> leader, Master Tara Singh, the communist thinker and administrator, E.M.S. 
> Namboodiripad, and the Naga freedom-fighter, Angami Zapu Phizo. Yet these 
> are all figures of extraordinary interests, whose life and work illuminate 
> many aspects of our modern history.
>
> Among this list of unusual, but poorly remembered, characters is Jaipal 
> Singh of Jharkhand. Jaipal was a Munda from Chotanagpur, the forested 
> plateau peopled by numerous tribes all more-or-less distinct from caste 
> Hindu society. Sent by missionaries to study in Oxford, on his return he 
> did not, as his sponsors no doubt hoped, preach the Gospel, but came to 
> invent a kind of gospel of his own. This held that the tribals were the 
> “original inhabitants” of India — hence the term adibasi or adivasi, which 
> means precisely that. Jaipal formed an Adivasi Mahasabha in 1938 which 
> asked for a separate state of “Jharkhand”, to be carved out of Bihar. To 
> the tribals of Chotanagpur, he was Marang Gomke or “Great Leader”.
>
> Jaipal has been in my mind recently, for two reasons. One is that I have 
> been reading the debates of the constituent assembly of India. The other 
> reason I shall come to presently.
>
> In the constituent assembly, Jaipal Singh came to represent the tribals 
> not just of his native plateau, but also of all of India. He was a gifted 
> speaker, whose interventions both enlivened and entertained the House. (In 
> this respect, the Church’s loss was unquestionably politics’ gain.) His 
> first speech was made on December 19, 1946, when, in welcoming the 
> Objectives Resolution, he provided a masterly summation of the adivasi case.
>
> “As a jungli, as an Adibasi,” said Jaipal, “I am not expected to 
> understand the legal intricacies of the Resolution. But my common sense 
> tells me that every one of us should march in that road to freedom and 
> fight together. Sir, if there is any group of Indian people that has been 
> shabbily treated it is my people. They have been disgracefully treated, 
> neglected for the last 6,000 years. The history of the Indus Valley 
> civilization, a child of which I am, shows quite clearly that it is the new 
> comers — most of you here are intruders as far as I am concerned — it is 
> the new comers who have driven away my people from the Indus Valley to the 
> jungle fastness...The whole history of my people is one of continuous 
> exploitation and dispossession by the non-aboriginals of India punctuated 
> by rebellions and disorder, and yet I take Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru at his 
> word. I take you all at your word that now we are going to start a new 
> chapter, a new chapter of independent India where there is equality of 
> opportunity, where no one would be neglected.” The Resolution, to Jaipal, 
> was simply a modern restatement of his own people’s point of view. In 
> adivasi society, there was no discrimination by caste and gender. Thus “you 
> cannot teach democracy to the tribal people; you have to learn democratic 
> ways from them.”
>
> Eight months later, Jaipal was asked to speak in the debate on the 
> national flag. Jawaharlal Nehru had moved a resolution proposing that the 
> flag be a “horizontal tricolour of saffron, white and dark green in equal 
> proportions”, with a wheel in navy blue in the centre. On behalf of his 
> people, Jaipal said he had “great pleasure in acknowledging this Flag as 
> the Flag of our country in future”.
>
> But then he continued, “Sir, most of the members of this House are 
> inclined to think that the flag hoisting is the privilege of the Aryan 
> civilized. Sir, the Adibasis had been the first to hoist flags and fight 
> for their flags. …Each village has its own flag and that flag cannot be 
> copied by any other tribe. If any one dared challenge that flag, Sir, I can 
> assure you that that particular tribe would shed its last drop of blood in 
> defending the honour of that flag. Hereafter, there will be two Flags, one 
> Flag which has been here for the past six thousand years, and the other 
> will be this National Flag…This National Flag will give a new message to 
> the Adibasis of India that their struggle for freedom for the last six 
> thousand years is at last over, that they will now be as free as any other 
> in this country.”
>
> Two years later, in the discussion on the draft Constitution, Jaipal made 
> a speech that was spirited in all senses of the word. Bowing to pressure by 
> Gandhians, the prohibition of alcohol had been made a Directive Principle. 
> This, said the adivasi leader, was an interference “with the religious 
> rights of the most ancient people in the country”. For drink was part of 
> their festivals, their rituals, indeed their daily life itself. Thus in 
> West Bengal “it would be impossible for paddy to be transplanted if the 
> Santhal does not get his rice beer. These ill-clad men …have to work 
> knee-deep in water throughout the day, in drenching rain and in mud. What 
> is it in the rice beer that keeps them alive? I wish the medical 
> authorities in this country would carry out research in their laboratories 
> to find out what it is that the rice beer contains, of which the Adibasis 
> need so much and which keeps them against all manner of diseases.”
>
> The constituent assembly had convened a sub-committee on tribal rights 
> headed by the veteran social worker, A.V. Thakkar. Its findings, and the 
> words of Jaipal and company, sensitized the House to the tribal 
> predicament. As a member from Bihar observed, “the tribal people have been 
> made a pawn on the chess-board of provincial politics”. There had been 
> “exploitation on a mass scale; we must hang down our heads in shame”. The 
> “we” referred to Hindu society as a whole. It had sinned against adivasis 
> by either ignoring them or exploiting them. It had done little to bring 
> them modern facilities of education and health; it had colonized their land 
> and forests; and it had brought them under a regime of usury and debt.
>
> In acknowledgement of this, the Constitution mandated that a portion of 
> government jobs and seats in legislatures be reserved for adivasis. As with 
> the untouchables, this was a matter of compensatory justice: a case of 
> Hindus making up in the present for the crimes they had committed in the 
> past.
>
> Jaipal Singh’s work in bringing the tribal question to centre stage is now 
> largely forgotten. Reading the constituent assembly debates forcibly 
> brought him back to my attention. But there was, as I said, also a second 
> reason. It is this: that the Indian victory in the recent Asia Cup hockey 
> tournament made one recall Jaipal’s other side. For before he became a 
> politician he was a brilliant hockey-player, an Oxford Blue and the captain 
> of the first Indian side to win an Olympic gold medal, in Amsterdam in 
> 1928. The Marang Gomke was not just a great leader, but also the precursor 
> to such outstanding adivasi hockey players as Michael Kindo, Dung Dung, and 
> Ignace and Dilip Bishwanath Tirkey 
> <https://www.facebook.com/bishwanath.tirkey>
> ref : http://www.tribalzone.net/people/jaipalsingh.htm
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