Generally, tribal art is used to commemorate ancestors, gods, and otherwise 
convey or even produce magic.  However much outsiders may appreciate tribal 
art, they usually can't feel the links between the magic and the form.  In less 
substantive ways, religious art is supposed to embody a form of magic, too, and 
that's what gave rise to the iconoclastic rejection of graven images, etc.  I 
suspect that most Westerners don't feel or expect any magic from art but can 
realize that it is/was important to others, as when they view ancient and some 
medieval religious art.

In the era of global discoveries, let's say from about 1400-1800, Western 
adventurers came upon a lot of tribal art.  I suppose it was authentic and 
magical to its owners but it was also carried back to Europe where it was often 
placed into collections and those "cabinets of wonder" and subject to fanciful 
speculation and even aesthetic appreciation.  That split the work into two 
modes of understanding, one magical and tribal, and one fanciful and aesthetic.

Some tribal art, like that of the Mic-Mac of Nova Scotia, was made expressly 
for outsiders as trade products. Their amazingly intricate and strongly 
designed porcupine quill work was carted back to France in the 17C and became 
collected by others into the 20C. A similar history exists for much American 
Southwest and Mexican pottery in that almost all of it is now made as 
collectible artworks.  Even the ceremonial and "magical" sand paintings of the 
American Indians are mostly made for exhibit and as displays of cultural 
heritage, for others.  Ditto Eskimo art. And so on.

My point is that the original, adornment (status), and magical (healing and 
power) purposes of tribal art, one so embedded in the work, is now almost 
irrecoverable, not only by their makers but by everyone else as well.  They 
become artworks in the Western sense and as vague reminders of what was once 
integral to a culture.  The evolution of these objects from magic to aesthetic 
is so thorough -- from magical to trade products to works of art-- that even 
their makers, who regard themselves as professional career artists, can't 
recover their original purposes.  At best they now make symbols of ancestral 
magic, sentimental myth narration, exactly like the modern sculptor who carves 
a statue of Christ without for a second believing that the work IS Christ or 
can produce miracles. 

wc 



----- Original Message ----
From: Chris Miller <[email protected]>
To: [email protected]
Sent: Tue, November 10, 2009 9:38:30 AM
Subject: Reading Dutton Chapter 4 : Thought Experiments

In the second half of Chapter4, Dutton sets aside the anthropological
evidence, and introduces some "purely imaginary thought experiments" around
the question:

"Could we imagine a set of aesthetic values in another culture - its aesthetic
sensibility or aesthetic universe - that is unavailable to our aesthetic
perception, no matter how hard we apply our mind to it" Might there exist in a
foreign culture a whole genre of art tht we could not directly perceive as
such except by being told by a cultural insider that it is art?"

First, he relates the speculation offered by Arthur  Danto concerning  two
hypothetical African tribes.  They both make pots and baskets, but for the one
tribe, only the pots are sacred, and for the other, only the baskets.  When
all that stuff is put on display in a museum of natural history, what if
visitors cannot distinguish which objects are sacred (and therefore 'art') and
which were purely utilitarian?  What if even experts cannot make that
distinction?

To quote Danto, "a whole genre or tradition of tribal art is to our eyes
aesthetically  indistinguishable from another genre or tradition of tribal
artifact"

However, Dutton then   asserts that "in point of fact, that a whole art
tradition might in the real world be indiscernible from a  utilitarian
artifact seems to me about as likely as a monkey typing Hamlet"   --- because
it is so unlikely that  "the potters would themselves be unable to distinguish
their creations from the utilitarian artifacts of another tribe"
(and Dutton confirms this from his own field work with Sepik wood carvers in
New Guinea)

But this just means that when "our eyes" includes the eyes of the original
makers, the resulting conclusions will be different.

Which is exactly the point that Dutton was trying to disprove!

Then Dutton offers his own thought experiment, based on his travels throughout
New Guinea , and asks us how unlikely it would be that a wood carving made
with traditional tools for traditional purposes be indistinguishable from one
made by a community that uses imported steel chisels to produce objects for
sale at a nearby Club Med.

And, yes, in that case, even a viewer who had never left Chicago could
probably tell a difference if the pieces were placed side by side.

But what if the same artisan makes some objects for ritual use and others for
sale to tourists?  Isn't that a likely scenario?  Then, who could tell the
difference?

BTW -- I think this is the origin of many of the African pots shown in a large
Chicago exhibit a few years ago.  The pots were purchased by two collectors
who traveled in the 1970's from one African  marketplace  to another -- some
in big African cities, some in small towns.  In order to keep these pots
contextualized as primitive art, the names of the
potters were not recorded --  although if the art museum really wanted to know
them, I'm sure that they could still be found.  Although, if they were found,
the potters, instead of receiving recognition for their work, would be
dismissed as inauthentic.

Dutton concludes that "trained perception, the ability of tribal peoples
themselves or see systematic differences between expressive art and
utilitarian artifact - and the ability of the informed eyes of Westerners
also to learn to perceive perceive differences - is fundamental"

And this sets up  his attack on Danto's claim that "interpretations are what
constitute works"  (or, as Saul would put it, "Diverse, linked texts")  "The
interpretation is not something outside the work; work and interpretation
arise together in aesthetic consciousness"

Dutton counters with "that these tribal objects are intended to amaze, amuse,
shock, and enchant is part of the artistic interpretation that constitutes
their very being as works of art... the actual constituting interpretations of
real  tribal artists normally entail perceptual distinctions" (unlike a
Duchamp readymade)

So "learning a primitive art genre is thus not a matter of acquiring knowledge
of a cultural context... it is a matter of gaining cultural knowledge in order
to see aesthetic qualities which have intentionally been placed in the objects
to be seen. An obvious empirical corollary to all this would be.. that the
objects which mean the most to a tribe will usually be
the very ones in which the most perceivable content is packed.. and provide a
more powerful visual experience"

But what about all the junk-art that constitutes almost all of contemporary
American Roman Catholic liturgical statuary?
Even if it has been packed with all the meaning that 2000 years of
Christianity could give it.

Or -- if you're willing to look critically at "primitive art", the same could
be said about most of it as well  (and not just by me --  otherwise our art
museums would likely have much larger displays of "primitive art")

So while I join Dutton in rejecting "interpretations are what constitute
works" (a self-serving claim made by professional interpreters) -- I would
also recognize that an authentic cultural context is neither a necessary nor
sufficient condition for the creation of a "powerful visual experience"

And the eagerness to pursue, collect, discuss, and cherish such an experience,
regardless of cultural content, is what sets modern Western culture -- or, at
least a part of it -- apart from those other societies that "don't have our
concept of art".

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