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[The author of the following alarming account is Laura
Silber, co-author of Yugoslavia: Death Of A Nation,
one of the bibles of the pro-NATO, anti-Yugoslav
crusades of the past decade.
As noted at the bottom of her feature, she's recently
graduated to become a senior policy adviser at George
Soros' Open Society Institute.
An insightful review of Yugoslavia: Death Of A Nation
by Nebojsa Malic follows Silber's harrowing tale.
The message, hardly one that could be missed, is to
watch what one wishes - or works - for, as it may come
to haunt one personally.
Silber's contribution to the defamation and
dehumanization of the Serbian people has worked its
way back very intimately in her life: To poison the
lives of her own husband andd herself.
Let the warning be heeded by others of her stripe.]



New York Times

AUG 30, 2001
The Other Dusan Knezevic
By LAURA SILBER
I married a war criminal � at least that's what
immigration officials tried to tell me every time we
landed at Kennedy Airport. The routine was always the
same. We handed over our little stack of passports:
American blue, with gold trim and bald eagle, for our
daughter and me; a similar blue for my husband, who is
Serbian, but with the double-headed eagle of
Yugoslavia. The immigration agent typed in his name:
D-U-S-A-N K-N-E-Z-E-V-I-C.

Then came the order "Step over there," and it was back
to that airless holding room in the bowels of the
international arrivals terminal.

In that windowless room last May, three women were
shackled to chairs. In July, a man in handcuffs kept
saying he would commit suicide if he were forced to go
back to the Dominican Republic.

On that July day, we had arrived at Kennedy from our
summer holiday in St. Barth's. "Just a minute while we
check out a few things," a uniformed man told us. An
hour later we were still waiting. I knew better than
to argue. I had negotiated my way through dozens of
checkpoints in Bosnia as a reporter during the war
there. But my husband, whose good name was on the
line, did not know better.

"This is a violation of the rights of my wife and
child as American citizens," he fumed.

Our 2-year-old daughter, Mila, looking at the rows of
chairs, asked the official, an agent of the
Immigration and Naturalization Service, if this was a
school. My husband laughed. The agent glowered and
told him not to.

They thought they had their man: Dusan Knezevic, a
citizen of Bosnia-Herzegovina. He is 10 years of
gristle and a thousand packs of cigarettes older than
my husband. He is 50 pounds heavier and a foot
shorter. He was part of a gang accused of killing,
torturing and abusing Muslim prisoners in a ceramics
factory in the opening months of the war in Bosnia. 

In 1995 that Dusan Knezevic was indicted by the
International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia
in The Hague. He is still at large, thought to be
lying low somewhere in Bosnia.

I once asked an I.N.S. supervisor how to prevent this
mistake in identity from being repeated, so we would
not be detained in the future on account of the other
Dusan Knezevic. His response: "Catch him." Another
agent, standing nearby, told us, "We can't be sure who
you are." 

The last time we returned to New York my husband, a
cardiologist at Lenox Hill Hospital on the Upper East
Side, produced a letter from the State Department
saying that he was not a wanted war criminal but a
legal alien from Yugoslavia. An agent looked at it and
said: "How do I know the letter is real? Our job is
not to believe you."

This unfortunate coincidence of names has given us
some insight into the way immigrants � illegal, legal
and criminal � may sometimes be treated by the I.N.S.
But knowing you're not alone only goes so far when you
are jet-lagged and you want to grab a taxi and get
your child to bed.

At last, however, it should all be over. Last Friday
my husband became an American citizen. He has passed
the test; he can tick off the 13 colonies; he knows
who said, "Give me liberty or give me death."

For everyone present in the federal courtroom where my
husband and 249 others took the oath of citizenship,
the ceremony was an extraordinary event, the pledge of
allegiance to a new country. For us it meant that and
a little more � the beginning of my husband's life as
Citizen Knezevic, a life off the wanted list.


Laura Silber, senior policy adviser at the Open
Society Institute, is co-author of "Yugoslavia: Death
of a Nation." 


_______________________________________________________
http://news.suc.org/bydate/Jun_27/7.html.

Bookreview: A Chronicle of Foretold Death, Nebojsa
Malic, Jun 26 
"Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation" by Laura Silber and
Allan Little (Penguin books, 1996-97) 

By Nebojsa Malic, June 26, 2000 

First published in 1996, after the Dayton agreement
ended five years of fighting in what became Croatia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina, this book was supposed to be
the all-encompassing view of Yugoslavia's death and
unraveling during the early 1990s. Decently
researched, accompanying the BBC documentary of the
same title, Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation was praised
by the Washington Post Book World as the "most
authoritative account in English or any other language
about how the war began." 

Unfortunately, this praise deserves a major qualifier.
Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation is an authoritative
account of how the mainstream West observers and
policymakers thought the Balkans war began and
unfolded. Its table of contents starts with "Serb
nationalism" and the "rise of Slobodan Milosevic," and
continues through the "awakening of Croatia" and "the
cleansing" in Bosnia, ending with the split between
Serbs east and west of the Drina. Its final chapter,
Pax Americana, reflects how only American bombs and
American-led Muslim-Croat land offensive brought the
"war of Serbian aggression" to an end. 

The terminology of the book is also similarly colored.
It calls the illegitimate, self-proclaimed regime in
Sarajevo "the Bosnian government," accepting without
question its accusations of "genocide" in northern
Bosnia and "massacres" in Srebrenica. Krajina Serbs
are called "rebels." 

Many books have offered a similarly flawed
interpretation of the Balkan conflict. None have done
it with so much research and so much attention to
detail that an eyewitness could almost believe things
really happened that way. Many passages in the book
are factually true. Unlike, say, Noel Malcolm's openly
partisan "histories" of Bosnia and Kosovo, or other
such quasi-historical propaganda literature, Silber
and Little's volume is relatively moderate. It does
acknowledge the suffering of Serbs in World War Two,
for example, and admits that the secession of Slovenia
and Croatia was against the law. There is a wealth of
first-hand accounts and confessions of secessionist
leaders that should not be neglected. 

Even though the book accuses the Serbs of starting all
the wars, committing all the crimes and finally only
giving up when they were "justly" defeated,
Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation is structured around the
premise that it was all the work of one man: Slobodan
Milosevic. He is simultaneously accused of
orchestrating Yugoslavia's collapse in order to create
a Greater Serbia, and of abandoning the Serb cause
once the world interfered decisively (which is, by the
way, applauded). From the ripped-up campaign poster of
Milosevic on the front cover, to the book's
organization, to repeated and unsubstantiated
accusations made by the interviewed politicians - with
a single exception (Borisav Jovic) all enemies of
Milosevic - everything points to Slobodan Milosevic as
the root cause of Yugoslavia's destruction. This,
rather than flawed terminology or the false premise of
"Serbian guilt," is the book's greatest problem, and
its greatest danger. 

The style in Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation is good
enough for someone knowledgeable about Balkan affairs
to take it at face value. Even someone more
sympathetic to the Serb cause, who does not subscribe
to the racist tendency to blame the Serbs for
everything, would find it easy to blame Milosevic
instead. The book offers plenty of opportunities for
that. 

Accusing Milosevic of provoking the Serbs to rise up
and destroy Yugoslavia, then abandoning them when
things got rough, is believable but false. Accusing
Milosevic of somehow being responsible for the
secession of Slovenia, Croatia, Izetbegovic Bosnia and
Macedonia is just ridiculous and insulting to the
people of these republics. Both these charges,
however, lay the foundations for the argument made by
NATO in the spring of 1999 that Milosevic was to blame
for everything that happened in Kosovo, thus
justifying the barbaric assault in Yugoslavia and
constant attempts to break it up ever since. 

In that sense, Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation is the
Bible of the mainstream public opinion in the West.
Its premises reflect the prevalent opinion of great
powers that have systematically interfered and
manipulated the peoples of Yugoslavia to their ends,
and assaulted the one people that refused to cooperate
in this diabolical project. Its conclusions sowed the
seeds of fallacy and hatred even deeper, perpetuated
the lie and prepared the ground for further aggression
and demonization. 

Some clues to the motive of this paramount work can be
gained from looking at its authors. In a few short
years after Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation was
published, Laura Silber became a NATO cheerleader,
writing heartbreaking stories about the "injustice"
done to General Clark by Washington and Brussels. Alan
Little made a BBC documentary titled Moral Combat,
which challenged some basic tenets of NATO's Kosovo
script - but perpetuated the myths of "Serbian
genocide" against the Albanians and "ethnic
cleansing," thus ultimately justifying everything NATO
did. 

Nebojsa Malic 


 

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