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[Aside from one brief bit of obligatory
Milosevic-bashing, which I've taken the liberty of
excising, this column is worth checking out.]


"In passing, I must ask a question which has puzzled
me for years, and which my friends on the left might
like to answer. Why did my generation, who were such
cooing doves in the 1960s, become such squawking
Balkans hawks in the 1990s? What made this stranger
was the actual parallels between the two
cases....Thirty years later, some of the very people
who had asked LBJ how many kids he'd killed today were
screaming in the tones of Curtis LeMay for Serbia to
be bombed back into the Stone Age." 


The perils of intervention 
British troops in Macedonia are being recklessly used
to internationalise a Balkan civil war

Special report: Macedonia

Geoffrey Wheatcroft
Friday September 7, 2001
The Guardian

Our great Balkan adventure continues, but all does not
go well. On Monday the defence secretary, Geoff Hoon,
was at the British base near Skopje, where our mission
to pacify Macedonia follows our attempts to pacify
Bosnia and Kosovo, and tried to put a good face on
things. 

In theory, British troops are meant to be there for a
short, sharp task, and then to pull out after 30 days.
But, says Mr Hoon breezily, "It is much too early to
be talking about what might be the outcome of the
present operation." 

He added that "we'll be looking at other countries to
play the kind of part we played", and then flew on to
Vienna to try to persuade the Organisation for
Security and Cooperation to provide monitors to take
over from our troops. If reports so far are true,
he'll be lucky if he succeeds. 

For all the weapons garnered and the inching towards a
new constitution, everyone concerned fears - or maybe
even assumes - that fighting will break out again
between Macedonians and Albanians as soon as outside
forces withdraw. And behind Mr Hoon's optimistic
words, diplomats privately admit that western
governments are in disarray. 

It's easy to mock the government for its folie de
grandeur and even megalomania. But it would be more
constructive to ask how we got here. At least there is
no pretence that Macedonia is anything other than a
civil conflict, though that raises the question why we
should intervene there at all. The traditional
principle of diplomacy is to keep out of civil wars
until one side has established its supremacy. 

Even when intervention is tempting because of
apparently clear-cut right and wrong, there is a
danger that the outside world will project its own
concerns. That happened with the most famous civil war
of the last century. Most historians would now agree
that the Spanish civil war, far from being a microcosm
of the larger conflicts which came to engulf it, had
its origins in uniquely Spanish political and social
conditions. 

Over the last decade, as Yugoslavia bloodily fell
apart, the temptation hasn't been projection so much
as angry partisanship, with the original clamour for
intervention in Bosnia amplified by the claim that
this wasn't a civil war but an international war of
aggression by Serbia against a sovereign country. 

That claim had to be based on the decision of outside
powers to recognise the sovereignty first of Slovenia
and Croatia and then of Bosnia before the nationality
problems in those territories had been resolved. 

Looking back - not that hindsight is really required -
this might seem one of the crazier acts of statecraft
of modern times. A German government, itself egged on
by Serb-hating columnists in the German press (notably
the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, which great
newspaper has a lot to answer for in this matter),
insisted on recognition, and then imposed this on its
European partners at Maastricht. 

To say that doesn't exonerate....But the EU plainly
exacerbated the problem by trying to internationalise
a domestic disaster. 

In all this there was an echo of another conflict 30
years before. In passing, I must ask a question which
has puzzled me for years, and which friends on the
left might like to answer. Why did my generation, who
were such cooing Vietnam doves in the 1960s, become
such squawking Balkan hawks in the 1990s? What made
this stranger was the actual parallels between the two
cases. 

In the 1960s, the American bellicose faction claimed
that it was an international war of aggression by
North Vietnam, while opponents of American
intervention argued plausibly that it was really a
civil war which the Vietnamese should be left to
resolve themselves. Thirty years later, some of the
very people who had once asked LBJ how many kids he'd
killed today were screaming in the tones of Curtis
LeMay for Serbia to be bombed back into the Stone Age.


A saner view in either case is that a war which begins
as a civil war remains one in essence, whatever its
technical aspect. Another parallel makes the point
almost better. The terrible war between northern and
southern US states from 1861-65 was known then, and
has been known since, as the American civil war, which
is what it was, legally and morally. 

If the British government had recognised the
sovereignty of the Confederate South - and there were
plenty of politicians in London who wanted to do that
in 1862 - then it would have taken on the appearance
of an international war, and one, what's more, in
which Lincoln's Union would have looked like the
aggressor. But it would still have been morally a
civil war. 

It was also fought with fratricidal brutality and
appalling loss of life. Civil wars all too often are.
To say that may sound heartless, but to suppose that
we can interpose ourselves in every such conflict is
simply neurotic. 

Geoff Hoon is right about one thing: It's much too
early to be talking about the outcome of our
intervention in Macedonia and elsewhere in the
Balkans, except that history suggests it will very
likely be unforeseen and unintended. 



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