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September 10, 2001
 
Belarus Leader Claims Big Election Victory, but Many Doubt It

By MICHAEL WINES

INSK, Belarus, Sept. 9 — This most Soviet of former Soviet states today held 
its first presidential election in seven years, but only after stripping many 
election observers of credentials and censoring the Internet in an effort to 
project its leader, President Aleksandr Lukashenko, as the people's 
overwhelming choice.

State television stamped it official late tonight, announcing that Mr. 
Lukashenko had amassed nearly 81 percent of the vote in the first 90 minutes 
of vote-counting after the polls closed at 8 p.m.

But few Belarussians believed that, if conversations with voters this weekend 
were any indication. Monitors from the Organization for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe were completing a report late today that is expected to 
state that while there was no proof of fraud, the vote contained all the 
ingredients for the vote to have been manipulated. 

A coalition of civic groups that mounted what it called a parallel vote 
count, personally observing the tabulations at 150 of Belarus's 6,700 polling 
places chosen to mirror the country at large, suggested that the results were 
different.

The parallel count was hamstrung tonight when phone service to the project 
was cut off for two hours. Early projections nevertheless indicated that Mr. 
Lukashenko had captured not 81 percent of the vote, but something closer to 
61 percent.

 
 


Reuters
President Aleksandr Lukashenko at a news conference in Minsk Sunday after the 
election.

 
 
  
  Lukashenko Claims Victory

   
 






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The actions of Mr. Lukashenko's government in the final hours of campaigning 
— from arrests and harassment of political opponents to refusal to issue 
detailed, precinct-by- precinct vote counts — seemed to belie any notion that 
it was confident of its own people's support.

The director of the principal election-monitoring section of the European 
group, Hrair Balian, said in an interview today that election laws and the 
presidential campaign itself exhibited "fundamental problems," but that the 
government had resisted observers' calls for change. 

"I've told them time and time again in the last three weeks, `If you want to 
gain the confidence of the public, publish the results,' " he said. "And 
there's no answer."

Svetlana Tenitskaya, a 40-year-old Minsk resident who went her polling place 
today only to find that someone had already voted for her, said that was 
answer enough. "It seems to me that every vote has already been counted," she 
said at 5 p.m., three hours before the polls closed. "And the result has been 
falsified."

Even the total from the parallel counters was subject to the vagaries of the 
Belarussian electoral process. Polls by an independent wire service indicate 
that Mr. Lukashenko's actual support runs below 40 percent of the voting-age 
population.

But even the parallel count amounted to a bitter defeat for Mr. Lukashenko's 
chief opponent, the labor-union leader Vladimir Goncharik, and the coalition 
of democratic forces and anti-Lukashenko Communists who supported him.

Still, it was not unexpected. By many independent accounts, Europe has not 
had an election this stage- managed since before the Soviet Union collapsed 
in 1991.

The opposition tried to rally voters around disclosures linking the 
government to the 1999 disappearances and apparent killings of two popular 
democratic politicians, Viktor Gonchar and Anatoly Karpenko.

But Mr. Goncharik, a wooden politician, at best, was almost invisible during 
the monthlong campaign. The few sizable opposition newspapers were so 
systematically harassed — their presses sealed and editions confiscated — 
that many of the 10 million people of Belarus were either unaware of the 
charges or convinced by the state-dominated news media that they were bogus.

In an election-day coda to the news media campaign, Internet users here 
abruptly lost access today to between 12 and 20 Web sites run by Mr. 
Lukashenko's critics. They included the Goncharik campaign site; the Internet 
version of a leading independent newspaper, Belaruskaya Delovaya Gazeta; and 
the popular news briefing posted daily by the antigovernment group Charter 97.

Access to the Web sites, as well as to e-mail service, which had been 
interrupted, was partly restored this afternoon, said Yuri Polevikov, a Web 
official for the Goncharik site. 

Efforts to ensure an honest vote were also hobbled on Saturday, when the 
Central Election Commission stripped the credentials of up to 3,000 of the 
12,000 election observers assembled by civic groups. All the decertified 
monitors were from the human rights group Vesna, or Spring, which had 
provided legal and technical support during the monitoring and the parallel 
vote count.

Mr. Balian stressed that his European organization had no direct evidence 
that the vote was fraudulent. But what he called a government campaign of 
smears and intimidation against monitors, both local and from his group, 
hindered the ability to ensure a fair vote, he said.

In and around Minsk today, as voters obediently lined up to register and vote 
in school auditoriums and town halls, the scene could often have been likened 
to that on an election day in rural Iowa. And in some places, even 
independent monitors said the balloting, as far as they could tell, appeared 
orderly.

But even those who had not personally seen something suspicious almost always 
had an account about someone who had. And those who had seen something were 
not hard to find.

In the farm village of Novoseoye, 20 miles outside Minsk, Gennadi Tolyarchok, 
a bacteriologist at a veterinary research institute, said voting at the 
precinct he was monitoring today appeared free of tampering.

But his other job, as an official of the local branch of the pro-democracy 
Belarussian National Front, was a different matter. As he left a pre- 
election meeting last week, he said, the police seize him and three other 
party members and took him to a district station for a two-and-a-half hour 
interrogation and search. 

And several miles away, in a down-at-the-heels Minsk district called 
Sovetskaya, Elena V. Gromyko told how she and other monitors had counted a 
number of early voters at her precinct, reaching a total of 80, only to learn 
that election officials had recorded 165.

Then today, she said in an interview, a man who came in to vote discovered 
that his father-in-law, an invalid, had mistakenly been recorded as casting a 
ballot. 

At another table a few seats away, a Sovetskaya district official, Irina I. 
Vetovskaya, insisted that Ms. Gromyko had it all wrong.

And in any case, it did not matter. "When the results of this election are 
made public," Ms. Vetovskaya said, smiling, "I think you will see that one 
vote is not very important."

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