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For all of us who have been puzzled - or outraged - at
so-called National Public Radio coverage of news
events, especially foreign affairs issues where NPR
follows the State Department (to say no worse) script
with a distressing predictability - and nowhere more
than in Yugoslavia, the Balkans and Eastern Europe in
general - the two following features on NPR and its
director, Kevin Close, will confirm our suspicions.
Please note the brief comment on President Bob Coonrod
of the Corporation for Public Braodcasting/Public
Broadcasting System (PBS), who has a very similar
curriculum vitae, in the second article.


_______________________________________________________
http://pirateradio.about.com/library/hos/blhoskklose.htm.

The Radio Hall of Shame: 
Kevin Klose 


Kevin Klose, in person, is a savvy, engaging guy. 
He's articulate, serious, yet approachable in his
demeanor.  It's very easy to be caught off-guard by
him. 

Of course, this is the perfect personality for
America's eminent propagandist. 

Before becoming President and Chief Executive Officer
of National Public Radio, Kevin Klose was Director of
International Broadcasting at the U.S. Information
Agency - that's the U.S. Government's 'propaganda arm'
overseas, charged with running American-funded and
staffed radio and television stations in other
countries like the 'Voice of America' network and the
anti-Cuban Radio Marti. 

Klose has also had trainees in American-run
psychological operation (PsyOp) campaigns intern at
NPR during his tenure there - demonstrating a
dangerously close connection between U.S.
disinformation campaigns overseas and the domestic
'public' radio network. 

It's disturbing enough that the head of NPR formerly
controled the propaganda wing of our government, but
it was Klose's involvement (and direction) in the
fight against the FCC's low power radio proposal in
2000 which ultimately killed the plan. 

Klose, worried about new low-watt community stations
drawing listener donations away from his agency,
mounted a vigorous public campaign against the
service.  It was his lobbying on behalf of NPR - and
his enlistment of the interests of blind radio readins
services in the fight - that swayed many Democrats on
Capitol Hill to protect the interests of commercial
and public radio at the expense of public diversity on
the airwaves. 

Not only is it bad enough that NPR programs are now
heavily corporate-sponsored, but even more ironic is
that fact that the start of National Public Radio as a
true national media entity came shortly after the FCC
outlawed 'Class D' non-commercial FM station licenses 
- licenses for stations of 10 to 100 watts - in the
late 1960's.  Klose wants legal low power radio to
stay dead on his watch, and he's succeeded. 

However, it hasn't come without a backlash - several
groups have banded together to urge NPR listeners to
'un-pledge' their donations as a protest for NPR's
complicity in killing off low power radio. 
  
 
_______________________________________________________
http://www.current.org/rad/rad821k.html.

Kevin Klose: journalist, fan, NPR president 
Originally published in Current, Nov. 23, 1998
By Jacqueline Conciatore 

The NPR Board says it ultimately chose journalist and
government broadcast executive Kevin Klose to be NPR's
next leader because he understands and feels
passionately about public radio. 

Board members also cite Klose's experience managing a
complex organization, his record of instituting
change, and his 25 years as a reporter and editor for
the Washington Post. 

Chairman Kim Hodgson introduced Klose at a press
conference at NPR headquarters Nov. 11 [1998], calling
him "public radio's new No. 1 advocate." Klose has "an
almost molecular passion for public radio," and "an
optimism and enthusiasm for its future [that are]
downright infectious," he said. 

NPR staff members say Klose appears to be an avid
public radio listener. When Klose was introduced in an
all-staff meeting Nov. 11, Performance Today's Don Lee
tried to eke out some indication of the former
newsman's regard for cultural programming, asking
about his favorite music. "'Viola da gamba' was his
instant answer"--and the instrument featured in a PT
commentary the previous night, says Lee. "I was
surprised and very impressed to hear him say that." 

A "bone-deep commitment" to the public radio mission
is critical because the c.e.o.'s job poses difficult
challenges, says board member Brenda Pennell, g.m. of
KUSC, Los Angeles. These include NPR's complex
membership makeup, a governance structure that often
impedes change, and, always, not enough money. "It's
not like a business environment, where you're focused
on what's in the best interests of your business and
you make changes as you need to, and everyone falls in
step and moves along," she says. Klose "sees all the
challenges ... and he in fact welcomes them, because
he believes in public radio." 

Board members believe Klose's enthusiasm about public
radio will serve him well in fundraising, something
he's had little experience doing, at least in the
private sector. He has, however, lobbied Congress for
continued support of the nonprofit radio services he
used to head, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
(RFE/RL). 

Klose, who starts work at NPR Dec. 8, is now director
of the U.S. International Broadcasting Bureau (IBB),
the government's nonmilitary overseas broadcaster and
parent of Voice of America. He ascended to that
position after serving as president of RFE/RL from
1994 to 1997. RFE/RL, known to its insiders as the
"Radios," is a nonprofit service for Central Europe
and the former Soviet republics. It now shares
technical infrastructure with IBB operations and
receives federal support through IBB's overseer, the
Broadcasting Board of Governors. 

One of the matters the NPR Board discussed before
hiring Klose: how NPR's news staff would react to a
boss who had worked in government radio and for the
Radios, which were CIA-financed until the early 1970s.
"There was a question as to how the NPR newsroom would
receive Kevin Klose," says board member Chase
Untermeyer, who headed Voice of America during the
Bush years. But those questions were "put aside"
because of Klose's leadership abilities and other
assets, he said. Untermeyer argues that operations
like the Radios are congressionally mandated to be
even-handed and so operate "under far more desirable
standards of journalism" than privately owned news
outlets. 

Veteran NPR political correspondent Daniel Schorr was
nonplussed. "It did not occur to me that was a
problem," he said. "I've known [Klose] for many years
as a Washington Post professional, and he is a
professional. It's always great when an organization
whose primary mission in life is news is headed by a
journalist." 

Klose served the Post as Moscow Bureau chief, Midwest
correspondent and finally deputy national editor. His
book Russia and the Russians: Inside the Closed
Society won a 1985 Overseas Press Club award. 

Downsized Radio Free Europe
Board members are impressed by Klose's ability to
manage an organization of unusual complexity. The BIB
includes Voice of America, Worldnet TV and Film
Service, Radio Marti and TV Marti. It has 2,000
employees and a budget of $300 million. RFE/RL
broadcasts 700 hours of programming per week in 23
languages. 

Klose became president of the Radios in 1994, just as
Congress was questioning their relevance in a
post-Cold War world. Lawmakers hacked the RFE/RL
budget--it would drop from $220 million to $75 million
in less than two years. Klose oversaw downsizing from
about 1,100 employees to fewer than 450. He also moved
headquarters from Munich to Prague at the invitation
of President Vaclav Havel. The Radios are now housed
virtually rent-free in the old federal parliament
building. The move was important to Klose
symbolically, but also was practical because German
labor laws and a relatively weak dollar made staying
in Munich cost-prohibitive, says RFE/RL spokesman Paul
Goble. 

Many observers were impressed that the Radios could
maintain their broadcast schedules amid such drastic
downsizing. "The number of hours we broadcast is the
same, with one-quarter the people, one-third the
budget," says Goble. 

CPB President Bob Coonrod, who was deputy director of
VOA from 1990 to 1993, says Klose saved the services
despite all predictions to the contrary. "It was an
incredible feat. ... Nobody would have bet you could
have revived it and made it what is now, a going
institution." 

Klose is not without his detractors. The Washington
Times and Wall Street Journal wrote negative
editorials in 1995, criticizing the move to Prague and
questioning RFE/RL's programming quality. Critics also
said the services were hiring locals who had ties to
various political forces, potentially subverting
RFE/RL's intent: to foster and strengthen democracy. 

The downsizing also resulted in a good number of
lawsuits against RFE/RL and Klose. "In Germany,
immediately people go to court," says Goble. "It's a
different legal culture." At least one of the suits is
still outstanding: Vladimir Matusevitch, who had been
a director and correspondent for Radio Liberty, says
Klose and another manager violated his First Amendment
rights by firing him after he publicly criticized
their decisions. He also says the managers
discriminated against him because of his age.
Matusevitch, a Russian who defected in 1968 and is now
a U.S. citizen, is being represented by Bernabei and
Katz, the D.C.-based firm that has taken on at least
six discrimination suits against NPR. 

Board members say some controversy would be inevitable
for the BIB and Radios director. "When you go into a
situation and are a change agent, a lot of times you
make enemies," says Pennell. 

Klose's hiring came close on the heels of Congress'
decision last month to lift public broadcasting's
salary cap. It limited compensation of CPB, PBS and
NPR employees to Level I of the federal government's
executive pay schedule, currently $151,800 [earlier
story]. Hodgson wouldn't reveal what Klose's salary
will be. He did say he will be setting up a board
compensation committee to review all NPR salaries. 

 

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