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Business Week Online

SEPTEMBER 21, 2001 
NEWSMAKER Q&A 

"Why Not Accept Russia into NATO?" 

Sergei V. Stepashin, a former Prime Minister and a confidant of Vladimir
Putin, says Russia could do plenty to help the U.S., and in return... 
For the first time since the end of World War II, former Cold War foes
Russia and the U.S. have a common enemy. The Kremlin has long claimed
that Osama bin Laden, the prime suspect in the Sept. 11 terrorist
attacks on the U.S., funded and trained rebels in Chechnya, the
breakaway republic that Russia blames for bombings in Moscow and other
Russian cities in 1999. 

Now, as the U.S. considers striking at terrorist bases in Afghanistan,
where bin Laden is thought to be hiding, President Bush may call upon
Russia to help the U.S. locate military bases or secure air space in the
republics of the former Soviet Union that border Afghanistan. After
meeting on Sept. 19 with U.S. Ambassador to Russia Alexander Vershbow,
former Prime Minister Sergei V. Stepashin, who is a close confidant of
President Vladimir V. Putin, spoke with BusinessWeek Moscow
Correspondent Catherine Belton to discuss what Russia would like to gain
for its cooperation. The surprising answer: A key role in a new,
post-cold-war world order -- possibly even NATO membership. Here are
edited excerpts from their
discussion: 

Q: How can Russia help in the world fight against terrorism?
A: We can provide information on Afghanistan. We have been working for
some time with the Northern Alliance [the main opposition force in
Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, and the group that controls a buffer
zone between Afghanistan and Tajikistan]. We have military bases in
Tajikistan
-- and I think we could provide serious military-operative information
on what is happening in Afghanistan. 

I personally know [President Putin's] position. Russia is in solidarity
with the U.S. Putin is ready for a wide sphere of cooperation in this
situation. There are no ideological barriers. But Russia should not be
in a situation where the U.S. has already taken its decision and begun
its attack and, only then, asks Russia to join in. If we are partners,
then we should talk openly. 

There is a historic precedent for this. In 1941, we fought together
against fascism, and I don't see any obstacles to returning to that old
scheme of cooperation. The two heads of state need to meet. A meeting of
the G-8 would be the best way of coordinating a reaction to the attacks.


Q: Should the U.S. use military bases in Central Asia, such as
Uzbekistan, for possible strikes on Afghanistan?
A: As far as Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries are
concerned, including Uzbekistan, they are sovereign states, and it is
their right to decide. I understand well why [Uzbek President Islam]
Karimov has spoken in support of the U.S. The Taliban is a threat to his
country. So if sovereign Uzbek or other [former Soviet] states decide to
provide such help, it is their right. But there are military agreements
with all the member countries of the CIS, and any decision should be
agreed [upon by] all the states of the CIS -- or they should be at least
informed of a decision. 

Q: Does Russia need to know the wider aims of the U.S. campaign -- such
as whether old friends of Russia's, such as Syria, Iran, Iraq, and Libya
will be targeted -- before it can give its agreement to lend military
bases?
A: Russia can do a lot of work with the leaders of these countries,
especially with Syria, to bring them into the fight against terrorism.
It seems to me that the U.S. should rethink its position toward Iran.
Iran could take a very positive position. Iran has just the same
anti-Taliban positions. 

[But] it's not just a question of this. It's also a question of military
expediency. Let's change the format of NATO-Russia relations. Now there
is a new political-military configuration. It is a new era. At first
Putin suggested this with a smile on his face -- but why not accept
Russia into NATO? 

Q: What are the consequences for Russia-U.S. relations if Iraq is a
target?
A: Let's not look at it in terms of geography. It's not a question of
Iraq. If there is clear evidence, checked carefully, then terrorist
bases have to be destroyed independent of where they are. 

Q: Is joining NATO a condition for Russia's cooperation?
A: For today, the main thing is to achieve an absolutely open dialogue
between the U.S. and Russia on the measures to be taken -- and then we
can discuss further about changes to the format of NATO-Russia
relations.... This is what Putin is insisting on now, and this is the
message he sent with [Foreign Minister Igor] Ivanov to the U.S. 

It is difficult to say how Russia can cooperate and take part in action
with the U.S. if it doesn't know any concrete details of the military
operations. After all, the U.S. is much further away from Afghanistan
than Russia is. Just because of this, there has to be a significant
expansion of consultations. The ball is now in the U.S.'s court. 

Q: Will Russia ask for concessions on missile defense in return for its
cooperation?
A: I would not like to tie these questions [together]. And, as I
understand the position of [President] Putin, this is a separate matter.
What happened in the U.S. shows that it's not a question of having a
missile-defense system or not. The threat is very different. If the
missile-defense system were there, what would it have done last week? 

Walking out of the ABM treaty is also a political move. Russia has
enough means to defend itself and to adequately respond to any nuclear
threats. We have enough nuclear warheads to cause the onset of nuclear
winter in the world and not one terrorist would remain. So, here it's
not a question of threats directly connected to the security of our
country. It's a question of destroying a very fragile security
situation. Let the U.S. President and Congress decide. But it seems to
me that one of the matters Bush and Putin could discuss at a meeting
could be creating a new collective system of military security. 

Q: What are the proposals from Russia on creating a new system of
security?
A: So far, our position is clear. If there is a decision to breach the
ABM Treaty, then we will have to make the corresponding military and
technological responses. Our hands will be untied on conventional
weapons and other types of weapons. Does America need this? I don't
think so. I don't think this will lead to conflict with America, but it
would seriously complicate our cooperation in fighting terrorism --
psychologically and militarily. 

Q: U.S. Undersecretary of State John Bolton said in Moscow [on Sept. 18]
that the U.S. was making nonproliferation issues a top priority in the
wake of the terrorist attacks, and pointed to Russia's ties with Iraq
and Iran as being a matter for concern. Will Russia break its ties with
those countries?
A: We have not been supplying any military technology to Iraq for a long
time. I took care of problems connected to Iran myself when I was Prime
Minister. And no technology has been sent to Iran that would allow it to
create nuclear weapons. 

Q: Does Russia have problems with the U.S. definition of terrorism?
Might Russians see a double standard at work because of the U.S.'s
criticism of Russian military action against rebels in Chechnya?
A: I think now our colleagues in the U.S. understand well that terrorism
in Chechnya, in Afghanistan, and in the Middle East have the same roots.
The main idea now is that we have the chance to really join together
before the face of a terrible threat. 

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