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What U.S. newspapers are saying 


 
Thursday, 29 November 2001 13:00 (ET)
What U.S. newspapers are saying


New York Times

While most New Yorkers were focused on emergencies elsewhere, the
governor and the State Legislature in Albany took advantage of our
distraction and passed a law designed to convert New York into a
gamblers' paradise. The decision happened swiftly and covertly. There
were no public hearings, and the final vote came after midnight, before
an audience consisting mainly of high-priced lobbyists. The fruit of
this unseemly process was an agreement that Gov. George Pataki should
conduct negotiations for six new Indian-run casinos. As bargains go, it
is not a good one, and Mr. Pataki and the Legislature should bail out of
this package before it's too late. In the end, Mr. Pataki's casinos will
cost New York far more in social problems than they can ever deliver in
state or local benefits.

Mr. Pataki has been pushing for casinos as part of his economic relief
package for the Buffalo and Catskill regions as well as a way to boost
state revenues. The new gambling complexes, including video slot
machines at raceways, are supposed to keep New Yorkers' gambling dollars
in the state, and supply the government with millions of dollars in a
difficult economic period. Left unaddressed are the questions of who
loses all that money and how much of it benefits those outside the
casino doors. ...

New York has had casinos on upstate Indian reservations for some time,
but bringing gambling into an urban area like Buffalo and to land in the
Catskills that is almost within commuting distance of New York City is
another matter entirely. The governor and the Legislature have taken the
state into a whole new territory, one that its citizens might not have
chosen to visit if they had been consulted. Bringing more casino
gambling and slot machines into the state is the sort of issue that
ought to be debated in next year's gubernatorial campaign. And like any
change to the State Constitution, this one deserves to be voted on by
two Legislatures and then put on the state ballot for New Yorkers to
have their say. Mr. Pataki and the Legislature should roll back this law
before they are remembered for trying to turn New York into another
Nevada.

-0-

Chicago Tribune

Since Sept. 11, President Bush has been careful not to make threats on
which he can't deliver. Example: He promised early on not to root out
all terrorist groups, but rather terrorist groups with a global reach.
Which is why Basque separatists in Spain and violent extremists in
Northern Ireland aren't breaking much of a sweat over the war against Al
Qaeda.

But the president's careful calibration to date prompts a question
that's growing urgent: Why have Bush and two top aides, Secretary of
State Colin Powell and National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, been
ratcheting up their warnings to Saddam Hussein? Does Bush really want to
swivel U.S. military forces toward Iraq after they finish their work in
Afghanistan?

That would be a daunting prospect, as this page repeatedly has warned.
An invasion to oust Saddam would anger many European and Arab nations
now joined in the assault on terrorism.

But it's also possible that Bush's saber-rattling isn't meant to set the
stage for imminent war on Iraq. In truth, the only thing certain is that
Washington's warnings have been too consistent to be unintended. Bush &
Co. have something in mind for Saddam. The question is what. ...

No one knows better than Bush that most nations in the anti-terrorism
coalition have no stomach for an attack on Iraq. Many countries,
especially Arab states, would view Bush as having lured them into a war
on terrorism so the U.S. could settle an old grudge against Saddam. ...

Squeezing Saddam deserves the high place it holds on Bush's agenda. The
way Bush has chosen to squeeze in recent days has made some U.S. allies
nervous, for good reason: As things stand, taking the war to Baghdad
would be a mistake -- if, in fact, that's really Bush's strategy.

But history is not static, and neither is Saddam. If Bush's bully pulpit
throws Iraq off its game or raises world pressure on Saddam to accept
weapons inspections, great. There are priorities other than pleasing
allies, even war allies, at every turn. One of those priorities is
keeping a dangerous Saddam Hussein in check.

-0-

Dallas Morning News

What now? That question has become the query of the day now that the
Taliban are on the run and discussions are under way about a new Afghan
government.

Too much thinking can breed false security, of course. The Afghan
portion of the campaign against terrorism is hardly over. The
treacherous part is to come: finding Osama bin Laden and dealing with
the aftermath of his death or capture.

Still, a debate over the next move is worthwhile. If nothing else, it
focuses our minds on the task's complicated nature.

All along, we have thought that the best way to envision this campaign
is like the Cold War. That effort lasted 40 years. Aggressive diplomacy
and military force were equal partners in the complicated game of
containment. The same strategy should apply here.

For instance, perhaps a bold diplomatic initiative can shake loose the
wall that has arisen between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. Sept. 11
has scrambled matters so much in South Asia that it is not unreasonable
to think that both nations could see the benefits of a renewed peace
process. The United Nations, the United States, and various coalition
partners should focus on a settlement there, where the deadly
combination of nuclear weaponry, intense nationalism, and religious
fundamentalism have reigned long enough.

Likewise, a renewed diplomatic push might finally break the
Israeli-Palestinian stalemate. Patient diplomacy offers the best option
in a dispute that neither side can win militarily. And who knows? A
settlement based upon self-interest could have a ripple effect
throughout the contentious Middle East. ...

The next stage is not an either/or game. We must move forward with many
strategies, being as creative with diplomacy as we are resolved with our
soldiers. This war will be won neither instantly nor easily, and it will
require wisdom as much as strength.

-0-

Los Angeles Times

The many who were skeptical of U.N-sponsored talks between Afghan
factions reasonably had low expectations, since feuding among brutal,
corrupt warlords is what nearly destroyed Afghanistan in the 1990s. But
what they didn't take into account was the sheer exhaustion of
combatants and civilians alike. Combined with sufficient pressure from
the United States and other countries, that war-weariness may lead to
agreement on a peacekeeping force and a transitional government for
Afghanistan during current talks at a German resort.

As was the case in Germany after World War II, Afghanistan is recovering
from a murderous regime and has a chance to rebuild the nation with
other nations' money. Before the Afghans can do that, anti-Taliban
groups have to agree on an effective peacekeeping force, whether an
Afghan or multinational one or both.

An interim government -- one that genuinely includes the Pushtuns in the
south, old-line royalists and the other ethnic groups that form the
Northern Alliance -- has a chance of lasting the few months until a loya
jirga , a traditional assembly of tribal leaders, can meet to decide on
a longer-term transition. Under the plan being discussed, the
87-year-old exiled king, Mohammad Zaher Shah, would serve as a unifying
figurehead until a constitution could be written and elections could be
held, in about two years. ...

After 1989, when the Soviet Union's troops left Afghanistan, the United
States abandoned the country and years of civil warfare erupted,
eventually ushering in the draconian Taliban. This time, Western nations
are rightly holding out the carrot of billions of dollars in
reconstruction assistance in return for an inclusive government and
civil rights for Afghan women. The U.S. has already won strategic
victories in Afghanistan, but Washington must help ensure the country's
future as well so that it will not become a base for terrorism again.
That means sticking with the commitment well after Osama Bin Laden is
gone.

-0-

Washington Times

On the same day that Russian President Vladimir Putin bolstered his
support of America's anti-Taliban campaign in Afghanistan, a Moscow
court dealt a decisive blow to Russia's freedom of the press. Those two
events, which occurred Monday, poignantly summarize the challenge facing
the White House: getting Moscow's support for the war on terrorism while
addressing Mr. Putin's demonstrated penchant for autocratic-style rule.

President Bush has broad, geopolitical motivations for cultivating his
increasingly close relationship with Mr. Putin -- one which transcends
America's counter-terrorist initiative. Mr. Putin's decision to send in
a humanitarian mission to Afghanistan, for example, will help the
administration's efforts to bring stability to the country. But the
White House must also carefully consider how it will broach not only Mr.
Putin's assaults on press and judicial independence, but also the
Kremlin's genocidal campaign against the Chechen people, which
human-rights groups estimate has killed thousands of civilians. ...

Given the fragility of Russia's fledgling democratic institutions, Mr.
Putin's efforts to blight the independence of courts and media outlets
will cause Russia fundamental, long-term problems. The White House must
address these issues now, as Mr. Putin's appetite for back-door power
won't dissipate on its own. ...

It is therefore crucial that Mr. Bush continue to address significant
U.S. concerns with Mr. Putin while continuing cooperation against
terror. If U.S. resolve should start to slacken, then the issues
overlooked today will become tomorrow's crises.

-0-

Washington Post

Despite successes on the battlefields of Afghanistan, President Bush and
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld have been circumspect about claiming
victory and prudent in warning of more difficult times to come. So it
was jarring to hear Attorney General Ashcroft, who seemingly has fewer
successes to point to, declaring that "America is winning the war on
terrorism." As Mr. Bush seems to understand, Americans do not need, nor
are they going to be reassured by, empty declarations of victory. Nor
can such declarations substitute for answers about the more disquieting
aspects of Mr. Ashcroft's investigation.

The attorney general based his claim of success on a law enforcement
effort that he said has been "disrupting the terrorist network in our
own country" with, among other things, "arrests and detentions that have
made America grow stronger, not weaker." ...

Since Sept. 11, the administration has claimed for itself sweeping new
powers, and been granted more by Congress. In addition to the operations
described above, the government has been given new wiretap authority and
has asserted the right to eavesdrop on attorney-client conversations and
try suspected terrorists before military panels with little due process
and no right of appeal. The administration justifies these measures on
the ground that the United States is facing an unprecedented threat, as
Sept.. 11 demonstrated. "Our job is to protect American lives," Mr.
Ashcroft told The Post yesterday, and he said the government could do so
while safeguarding the Constitution. But many Americans would like to
see in an attorney general more appreciation of the risks on the other
side -- the risks to American liberty, and to innocent people, when the
government assumes such wide and unchecked powers. That, more than
premature claims of victory, would be reassuring.

-0-

(Compiled by United Press International)




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Copyright 2001 by United Press International.
All rights reserved.
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