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New York Times

December 10, 2001

Reading Putin's Mind

By WILLIAM SAFIRE
 
MOCKBA -- Last week, I induced the 19 NATO countries to count themselves
as 
20. That makes Russia officially part of the NATO military organization
set 
up to defend Europe from Russia. We will soon have access to all the
West's 
defense plans, and a strong say (in reality, a veto, though they cannot
yet 
admit it) in every action it plans to take. 

That also transforms the West's military alliance into a boiled-cabbage 
political bureaucracy that I can "consult" into impotence. No more
attacks on 
Serbs over our objections — we'll consult nyet and disrupt the
consensus. 

I read in The New York Times that my friend George and my friend Colin
agreed 
to this Russian diplomatic triumph despite the protest of the warrior 
Rumsfeld. (Why doesn't George shut down that paper? I would in a minute.

Revelation of internal struggle encourages opposition.)

Now I will permit NATO to welcome the Baltic states. I will pretend this
is 
against the desires of my generals (hmm — maybe that Rumsfeld protest
was a 
trick) and by so approving, solidify my unwritten veto power. Of course,
the 
other 19 nations don't need my approval, but the useful idiots of the
West 
don't realize that. 

That came on top of what my generals call "Bush's Surrender at
Crawford." The 
strategic deal I had agreed to with Bush beforehand in Shanghai was
this: 
George would reduce his missiles all the way down to the number we could

afford to equal, and in return, I would let him amend the ABM treaty so
he 
could test a limited antimissile system. 

But at his ranch in Texas, smiling through all the strange food, I got
the 
U.S. to cut its missile force down below 2,000 — but didn't give the 
Americans an inch on ABM. I blamed my generals, which was
disinformation, but 
how could Colin complain publicly? Wasn't I letting the Americans fly
over 
Russia to get to Uzbekistan in our joint war on terror? 

Ah, the war. The world now forgives me for wiping out our Chechens
because 
all those Muslims are terrorists. And didn't I score yet another
personal 
triumph by sending our people into Kabul just after it surrendered,
ahead of 
the Americans and British? The Russian people, who saw our return on TV,
now 
believe we finally won our war in Afghanistan, with a little U.S. help
at the 
end.

But George had better not carry this antiterror business too far by
attacking 
Primakov's friend in Baghdad. Iraq owes us $8 billion for our arms
shipments, 
and we'll never get that money if Saddam is out of power. Currently he's

paying us for new weapons out of his oil smuggling, and if he uses our
SAM's 
to bring down American gunships, that's not my fault. 

Oil. That has been the key to my economic success. After the Saudis, we
are 
the world's largest producer of oil and gas, and have never been part of

OPEC. George was so happy to see us pumping away, breaking the monopoly
and 
bringing down prices. This fall's drop in oil prices was equivalent to a
huge 
tax cut, helping stimulate the U.S. out of its recession.

But last week, I made a deal with OPEC to cut our production by a
symbolic 
150,000 barrels a day, and we're ready to reduce our output much more to
help 
our Arab friends push up world prices. As the capitalists taught us:
Sorry, 
George, business is business.

I felt I could do that without troubling the new personal trust between 
George and me. At the Crawford summit, he complained a little about my
sale 
of nuclear materials to Iran, and he wished we would stop sending the
best 
and hungriest Russian scientists to help the Iranians develop their bomb
and 
multiple-stage rockets. I sympathize, but why stop? The ayatollahs pay
in 
cash, and if Iran and Iraq — and Israel — want to fight wars, let
them be 
equals.

Nothing beats an antiterrorist pose. I crushed my media critics. I 
neutralized NATO. My obliteration of Grozny is forgotten. I'm bringing 
prosperity to Russia by arming America's enemies and fixing prices with
the 
oil cartel.

My friend George may be a little ahead of me in our nations' popularity 
polls, but I have this advantage: he's not president for life. 

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