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Tribuna

December 21, 2001

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ISN'T TELLING THE WHOLE TRUTH 

Possible consequences of the US withdrawal from the ABM Treaty

Author: Vladimir Kuklev

Source: Tribuna, December 21, 2001, p. 6

[from WPS Monitoring Agency, www.wps.ru/e_index.html] 

MAJOR-GENERAL VLADIMIR KUKLEV LOOKS AT HOW THE US WITHDRAWAL FROM 
THE ABM TREATY OF 1972 IS LIKELY TO AFFECT RUSSIA. THE UNITED STATES 
IS ASPIRING TO UNILATERAL NUCLEAR RESTRICTION, WHEN THE US WOULD BE 
ABLE TO RESTRICT ANY OTHER STATE, BUT NO OTHER STATE WOULD BE ABLE TO 
RESTRICT THE UNITED STATES. 

     George Bush has announced that the United States is pulling out 
of the ABM Treaty of 1972. What will be the consequences for Russia?
     The mutual nuclear restriction (or mutually assured destruction) 
between the USSR and the United States envisaged in the treaty 
maintained stability in relations between the two states, and had a 
positive influence on the global situation. This provided favorable 
opportunities for developing the process of limitation and decrease in 
other weapons of mass destruction, non-proliferation of them in the 
world, securing the atmosphere of trust in relations between states.
     The decision of the United States to withdraw from the treaty 
means a conceptual change in its nuclear strategy. The United States 
is rejecting the idea of mutual nuclear restriction and aspire to 
unilateral nuclear restriction, or a situation when the US would be 
able to restrict any other state, but no state would be able to 
restrict the United States. And this is strategic domination in the 
world, which Russia has long been fighting against, favoring the ABM 
Treaty.
     The American supporters of creating a missile defense assert that 
present relations between Russia and the United States have outgrown 
the level of mutual restriction, and it is necessary to look for new 
frames of strategic relations between the two countries.
     Firstly, the president of the United States did not tell the 
whole truth. In fact, the United States does not deny the doctrine of 
restriction as it is. Representatives of present US administration 
speak about the necessity to strengthen restriction, with more stress 
on defense. The United States now wants only to make this restriction 
one-sided.
     Will it be in the interests of Russia? I doubt it. The US 
national missile defense will lessen the value of our strategic 
potential, and question our security, at least from the side of the 
United States. Of course, at present there is no direct threat from 
the United States, however, political situation is changing more 
rapidly than defense abilities of countries. And the events of recent 
years show that military forces are more often used in the United 
States as a universal and most convincing argument in settling all 
questions. And it would be a crime to abandon the last what we have - 
ability to maintain strategic nuclear restriction in respect to any 
country. While we maintain it, we can continue talking to the United 
States as equals in the sphere of security, at least.
      Secondly, on what foundation is the establishment of this 
"mutual cooperation" based, what should replace the mutual nuclear 
restriction? There is no definite answer to this question yet, there 
is only talk about some "partnership", which should be agreed on as 
soon as possible. At the same time, the experience of the closest 
allies of the United States in NATO proves that there is no equality 
in it. Especially since Russian-American relations have not yet 
reached the level, when we could forget about our own security.
     Thirdly, if we are going to be partners with the United States on 
some basis, different from mutual nuclear reastriction, what shall we 
do with the military doctrine of the Russian Federation, in particular 
with its major point about the role of strategic nuclear restriction 
in securing defensive capacity of the country? And of this position 
keeps its importance, then it is necessary to admit discrepancies 
between the approaches of Russia and the United States toward the 
essence of our future relations. And in its turn, it shows the 
necessity of minute elaboration of each step and danger of haste in 
forming a new relationship with the United States.
     Fourthly, even if we admit that it is necessary to replace mutual 
nuclear restriction with something else, it would make sense first to 
agree on these new relations, fix them and then start destroying the 
old ones. However, the US administration decided otherwise, and our 
obvious concernment about working out new frames as soon as possible 
helps them, because it comforts Russian and the world public opinion, 
worried about dangerous actions of the United States.
     There is another question: how much do we need those new frames? 
Is not it high time for us to get rid of that old habit to place the 
relations with the United States in the center of our foreign 
policies? We do not consider changing our relkationships with other 
states. Besides, this would correspond to the idea of building a 
multi-polar world. even officials of the United States declare that 
relations with Russia are no longer a priority in foreign policy.
(Translated by Daria Brunova)

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