HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
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>By Amos Harel
>HaaretzDaily.com
>12-19-1
>
>After 15 months of intifada violence, Israeli security officials see 
>little cause for optimism. Palestinian terror groups have become 
>more sophisticated and menacing, they say; and the use of terror has 
>become the vogue across almost the entire organized Palestinian 
>political map in the territories.
>
>While increasing numbers of Palestinian militants view terror as 
>their solution, Israeli security officials are growing increasingly 
>candid about the absence of a military solution to terror.
>
>Briefing reporters yesterday in Tel Aviv, a senior security officer 
>shed the diplomatic wrapping which his colleagues ordinarily use to 
>describe the situation in the territories. "All of the anti-terror 
>measures which we've implemented during the past year can be 
>compared figuratively to trying to empty the sea by using a spoon," 
>he admitted, in one disarmingly frank moment.
>
>The official, who has 30 years of experience fighting terror under 
>his belt, then proceeded to prick and pop the bubbles of hot-air 
>cliches which politicians adore.
>
>"When you look at the general picture," he said, these anti-terror 
>measures are "just drops in the ocean. We're talking about an entire 
>terror infrastructure located on Palestinian Authority territory, 
>about a large network for the production and smuggling of weapons, 
>including anti-tank and anti-aircraft missiles. It is clear to all 
>of us that there is no military solution to terror. Nowhere in the 
>world have such situations been solved via military action. You can 
>reduce terror; but you certainly can't eliminate it."
>
>After 15 months of violence in the territories, at a moment of 
>relative quiet, Israeli security officials are stepping out of the 
>situation to make interim assessments. With the help of the army, 
>the Shin Bet security service has in recent weeks notched up a 
>highly impressive series of successes on the anti-terror front. Its 
>efforts have led to arrests of hundreds of terrorists, and physical 
>blows to (or the deaths of) major suspects.
>
>Nonetheless, some 400 "heavy" terrorists (members of Hamas, Islamic 
>Jihad, and also Fatah and the Popular Front and Democratic Front 
>groups) are still at large, operating out of the Gaza Strip. These 
>are men whose sole preoccupation is to harm Israelis. A similar 
>number of terrorists roam the West Bank. And for each "military" 
>operative (meaning those who bear arms, assemble bombs, or plan 
>violent strikes), there are several others who act on a logistical 
>and political level.
>
>Both in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, conventional definitions 
>and classifications of militant nationalist fighters have become 
>blurred or irrelevant. The highest echelons of a number of 
>organizations, some of which have not been associated with armed 
>activity in the past, are now galvanizing forces for strikes against 
>Israel. Top officials from the Palestinian Authority's security 
>apparatus are involved in terror attacks.
>
>Non-Islamic organizations do not today shun suicide strike activity. 
>A Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine operative blew 
>himself up in a military jeep on the Gaza border. Fatah men help 
>suicide strikers infiltrate Israel, and help lay bombs against 
>targets located within the Green Line; sometimes the Fatah men 
>themselves perpetrate gunfire attacks in the heart of Israeli 
>cities, knowing that they won't be alive when the smoke clears.
>
>Israel has no "textbook solution" for this quagmire. Briefings with 
>reporters expose disagreements in the security system, differences 
>of opinion which separate the various branches of the system from 
>one another, and which divide officials within the same particular 
>branch.
>
>"Is it that he [Yasser Arafat] doesn't want to do the job, or is it 
>that he can't do the job?" one security official wondered aloud. 
>"What stops the PA Chairman from carrying out his pledges to war 
>against terror?"
>
>Such questions vex Israeli officials. No consensus has emerged in 
>response to them.
>
>"The PA Chairman is a survivor," says one security official. "Most 
>of his energy is invested in his efforts to keep afloat. He doesn't 
>have the ability to make tough decisions. As time passes, his hands 
>are tied by public opinion, as the public's hatred of Israel is 
>steadily on the rise. I am very pessimistic about Arafat; I don't 
>think that he will change his stripes. And there are places on the 
>West Bank where Arafat would not be able to impose his authority, 
>even were he to decide to [crack down on terror].
>
>"Despite the tremendous pressure which has been exerted on Arafat," 
>the official concludes, "he won't assent to the demands, since they 
>entail engaging Hamas in a civil war."
>
>In the same briefing, a second security official, of comparable rank 
>and experience, propounded a different thesis about Arafat. The PA 
>chairman's current lack of authority derives from a deliberate 
>policy decision, the official asserted. Arafat, he continued, has 
>the wherewithal to transform the situation, should he desire to do 
>so.
>
>"True," this official explains, "there are some non-governable 
>islands in the territories, like areas in the Rafah refugee camp, or 
>neighborhoods in Khan Yunis. But if Arafat decides to shoot persons 
>[who oppose a cease-fire policy], he'll gain control. The question 
>is whether he's willing to pay the price."
>
>Ultimately, this Israeli security official claims: "There's no real 
>challenge to Arafat's authority. He is the leader. Despite its 
>new-found strength, Hamas still does not perceive itself as an 
>alternative to Arafat's rule. Right now, not all of the power and 
>authority possessed by the PA leadership is being exploited .... 
>Arafat has an interest in the continuation of attacks against us. 
>The attacks keep the Palestinian issue alive in terms of 
>international public opinion. In their absence, within a week's time 
>it won't interest anyone."
>
>Though assessments and predictions touted by Israel's security 
>officials differ in tone and content, there is one common 
>denominator uniting all of the discussion. The overall picture is 
>bleak.
>
>The pessimists draw sustenance from an abundance of new data. 
>Israeli security officials say that Hezbollah fingerprints are found 
>increasingly in the territories. They talk about one of Arafat's 
>guards, a graduate of Shin Bet and CIA training courses, who rigged 
>up bombs in an effort to attack the IDF chief of staff's convoy. 
>They allude to an Islamic Jihad terror cell which planned to blow up 
>a truck containing a quarter ton of explosives next to a bus packed 
>with Israeli soldiers. And they say that Hamas has "top caliber 
>bomb-makers," whose expertise is starting to rival that of 
>counterparts in modern armies.
>
>Professional know-how comes to the terrorist groups from outside 
>sources, from engineering faculties on campuses in Arab capitals, 
>from Hezbollah, even from Afghanistan. Hamas is spiking bombs by 
>adding nitroglycerin and other dangerous chemical compounds; and it 
>is planning synchronized terror attacks (Mahmud Abu-Hanud was 
>plotting such simultaneous attacks when he was killed).
>
>For the first time, Islamic Jihad is improving the quality of its 
>explosives; the recent strike against the bus in Wadi Ara 
>exemplified this weapons upgrade. All of the militant organizations, 
>especially Hamas, are attracted by the scenario of assassinating 
>leading Israeli figures, and perpetrating devastating attacks that 
>"will change the rules of the game."
>
>Israeli security officials agree about one other matter: Up to now, 
>they say, PA counter-terror efforts have been "one big show." 
>Anti-terror declarations have yet to translate into concrete action 
>on the ground, they charge. By keeping terror suspects locked up in 
>secret PA detention cells, the Palestinian leadership is doing no 
>more than delaying terror strikes. The PA is doing nothing 
>substantive to eliminate the attacks completely, say the Israeli 
>officials.
>
>Similarly, "selective" Israeli strikes, i.e. assassinations, and 
>also arrests and interrogation of suspects, are far from perfect. 
>"Each time we've caught a terror suspect," one Israeli security 
>official admits, "a new one has arisen to take his place."
>
>"Assassinating one man will not eliminate Hamas," says one Shin Bet 
>official. "It's an illusion" to imagine that assassinations offer a 
>comprehensive solution to terror, he adds.
>
>Speaking yesterday to the "Herzliya Conference" for national 
>security matters, former Shin Bet chief Ami Ayalon, added a moral 
>element to this critique of the assassinations policy. Instead of 
>delivering definitive conclusions, Ayalon raised a number of 
>questions and provided food for thought. Addressing an audience of 
>security professionals, who typically speak in one, unified voice, 
>Ayalon articulated a fresh perspective, speaking in a different, 
>skeptical voice.
>
>Referring to the assassinations issue, the former Shin Bet head 
>said: "There's no moral dilemma about killing someone whose death 
>will save the lives of dozens of civilians. But there should be 
>strikes against someone who dreams about killing you, or wants to 
>kill you. Killing should be used as a method only when there's no 
>way of arresting [a suspect]. "You cannot "kill ideologies by 
>killing leaders," Ayalon continued.
>
>"It's easy to prove that under circumstances of negotiations and 
>political hope and expectation, selective killing of a terrorist 
>will lead some away from the terror side, and bring them to the 
>discussion sphere. But when there is no political expectation [of a 
>peace agreement], assassinations do the opposite. Terrorists turn 
>into suicide strikers. The time it takes for a man to turn himself 
>into a suicide striker is shortened - what once took months, takes a 
>few hours. The situation is in the politicians' hands. They have to 
>understand the way it is."
>
>
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>
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