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Francis A. Boyle
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-----Original Message-----
From: PNEWS.ORG [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
Sent: Wednesday, December 26, 2001 10:24 AM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [PNEWS] LAW: Kangaroo Courts Threaten US Soldiers


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From: "Boyle, Francis" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>


http://www.nytimes.com/2001/12/26/national/26LAW.html?todaysheadlines
December 26, 2001

THE JUSTICE SYSTEM

Critics' Attack on Tribunals Turns to Law Among Nations

By WILLIAM GLABERSON

oing beyond claims that the military tribunals authorized by
President Bush would violate civil liberties guaranteed by
American law, some experts are beginning to argue that they would
breach international law guaranteeing fair treatment of prisoners
of war.

Critics of the administration say the president's order
authorizing the tribunals conflicts with treaties like the Geneva
Conventions, which give P.O.W.'s facing charges of egregious
conduct protections that include the right to choose their own
lawyers, to be tried in courts that are independent of the
prosecution and to appeal convictions. None of those rights are
assured in the president's order, which opponents say precludes at
least two of them.

The critics, among them legal experts with military backgrounds,
say the tribunals could create risks for the armed forces,
including the possibility of charges by other countries that
American officers who conduct tribunals are guilty of war crimes.

"If the U.S. government is going to pull the wool out from under
the Geneva Conventions, that is going to be serious for our
soldiers," said Francis A. Boyle, an expert on the law of war at
the University of Illinois.

A central issue, experts on both sides of a growing debate about
the tribunals say, is whether Mr. Bush meant to declare that
members of the Taliban, Al Qaeda and other organizations that
support terrorists would not qualify for the protections given
prisoners of war.

The administration has sent contradictory signals on the issue.
The Defense Department has said that those captured in Afghanistan
are being provided the humane treatment guaranteed P.O.W.'s by
international law. And in an interview, an administration official
who spoke on the condition of anonymity said, "It is not the case
that we have abandoned the Geneva Conventions" in planning for the
handling of those subject to trial by military tribunal.

But in remarks on Nov. 29, the president, denouncing those who
"seek to destroy our country and our way of life," described them
as "unlawful combatants." That was the term applied by the Supreme
Court in its 1942 decision upholding military tribunals for a
group of German saboteurs who had slipped into the United States.
In that ruling, the justices said spies and saboteurs were
violators of the law of war and so were not entitled to
prisoner-of-war protections.

Beyond the issue of whether the tribunals themselves would be
lawful is the question of how broadly they should be applied.
Critics say that grouping not only terrorists but also forces of
the nations supporting them as unlawful combatants would invite
other countries to so describe any American troops who were
engaged in a campaign that a hostile nation deemed illegitimate.

"If we argue it is legal, we are arguing that other sovereigns -
Libya, Syria, Iraq, Cuba - could also have tribunals," said Alfred
P. Rubin, a former Pentagon lawyer who is a professor at the
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.

The administration's supporters say that no matter what rules the
United States adopts in deciding how to try terrorists and their
allies, the niceties of international law would be unlikely to
limit abusive treatment of any Americans captured by some enemy
nations.

But the critics say this country long ago decided that compliance
with agreements like the Geneva Conventions was in American
interests. During the Vietnam War, several experts noted, American
military officials at first refused to grant captured Vietcong the
protections of prisoners of war. But that decision was quickly
reversed, they said, when it became clear that Americans, too,
would become prisoners during the conflict.

Much of the body of international protections accorded warfare's
sick, wounded or captured soldiers is laid out in the Geneva
Convention of 1864 and its subsequent revisions.

Although prisoners of war are usually released at the end of
hostilities, international law permits trial of captured opponents
under certain circumstances. (How serious the alleged offense need
be is a matter of debate.) But even those experts who back the
administration say the president's "unlawful combatants" remark
suggested that the tribunals would not comply with the detailed
requirements of the prisoner-of-war pact formally known as the
third Geneva Convention, of 1949, Relative to the Treatment of
Prisoners of War.

"He was making the claim that in the view of the administration,
the standards of Geneva III do not apply," said Ruth Wedgwood, an
international-law professor at Yale and the Johns Hopkins School
of Advanced International Studies, who is a defender of the
tribunal plan.

Professor Wedgwood said the administration appeared to be laying
the groundwork for arguing that terrorists and their allies are
not entitled to prisoner-of-war protections, although the
president's order said any military tribunals would conduct trials
that are "full and fair."

The administration official who was interviewed said it would be
premature to discuss the new criticism being directed at the
tribunals, since the Defense Department was still drafting
regulations on how they would be conducted. Those regulations, the
official said, will comply with international law.

The official noted that the president had specified only minimal
standards for the tribunals - that sentences, for instance, must
be approved by a two-thirds vote. The official said the Pentagon
could tighten those standards, providing that a death sentence,
for example, require a unanimous vote.

But some critics say the president's order includes so many
provisions violating the Geneva Conventions that it would be
difficult for the regulations to meet the conventions'
requirements. Michael J. Kelly, an international-law specialist at
Creighton University School of Law, in Omaha, said a line-by-line
comparison showed many such instances. For example, he said, the
president's assuming the authority to make the final decision on
the disposition of each case is in direct conflict with the third
Geneva Convention's provision that no prisoner be tried by a court
that fails to offer "the essential guarantees of independence and
impartiality."

Further, the convention guarantees prisoners a right of appeal,
while the president's order seems to bar it. And the convention
guarantees a defense counsel of the prisoner's choice, where the
president's order, while authorizing defense lawyers, does not say
whether the prisoner can choose his own.

Some of the critics, including Jordan J. Paust of the University
of Houston Law Center, who has taught at the Army's military law
school, said the president appeared to have concluded that it was
assaults on civilian targets like the World Trade Center that made
the attackers unlawful combatants.

The trouble with that analysis, Mr. Paust said, is that it give
terrorists the ability to claim that under international law,
attacks on military targets like the Pentagon and the destroyer
Cole are lawful acts of combat.

"What the president is doing," Mr. Paust said, "is legitimizing
certain types of terrorism."

=========
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"The modern conservative is engaged in one of man's oldest exercises in
moral philosophy: that is the search for a superior moral justification
for selfishness."
-- John Kenneth Galbraith
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