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Where Power Talks 
 
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A59691-2002Jan3.html
 
By Charles Krauthammer
Friday, January 4, 2002; Page A27 


It was a sign of the gathering power of radical Islam. Strictly
interpreted Islamic law, as practiced (with public executions and
amputations) in places like Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia, was near to
becoming the law of the land in, of all places, Kuwait. Kuwait --
liberated by the United States, moving toward democracy, yet caught in
the rising tide of radical Islam.

No longer. Kuwait has just abandoned the move to install sharia. Indeed,
it has suddenly swung the other way, banning scores of Islamic charities
that support religious extremists.

What happened? The spontaneous eruption of Western-style liberalism? The
sudden emergence of an Islamic Reformation?

No. The answer is simple: Afghanistan. "America's success in Afghanistan
[has had] a ripple effect," wrote the Wall Street Journal correspondent
in Kuwait City, " . . . rolling back the tide of political Islam in the
religion's heartland."

"The secular people . . . are triumphant now," said the leader of an
ultrafundamentalist sect in Kuwait. "We grieve about the defeat of the
Taliban. Our people are depressed."

It is hard to recruit for the Taliban -- or for the Taliban model in
Kuwait -- when that regime has been blasted to pieces, its leaders
scattered and scurrying after so much bravado and boasting and basking
in the great blow to the infidel on Sept. 11.

Religious fanaticism thrives on its sense of inevitability, on its aura
of triumph and divine appointment. Nothing, therefore, deflates it like
military defeat.

For years, Islamic extremism went from victory to victory, from the
Iranian revolution of 1979 to the radicalization of Sudan and
Afghanistan to the world-shaking success of Sept. 11. Then it finally
met real resistance in Afghanistan, home of the most radical Islamic
state, and was utterly broken in nine weeks by American power. Gone is
the mandate of heaven.

How far America has come. Remember the initial post-Sept. 11
why-do-they-hate-us angst? How could we possibly defeat this powerful,
fanatical, ingrained, battle-hardened, religiously grounded enemy? We
discovered the answer: satellite-guided thousand-pounders with the odd
daisy cutter thrown in.

Osama knows. "When people see a strong horse and a weak horse, by
nature, they will like the strong horse," he explained on that famous
home video. How to win a holy war? Bomb the holy warriors -- and overawe
the fence-sitting spectators.

It is touching to watch American officials trying to win friends with PR
and protestations of goodwill toward Islam. Muhammad Ali has been
recruited for a 30-second spot. Former U.S. ambassador Christopher Ross
spent 15 minutes on al-Jazeera TV making our case in Arabic. It was,
reports Middle East scholar Daniel Pipes, a bust. Said one Arab
commentator, "His performance was terrible. . . . He was like a robot
who speaks Arabic." No surprise, and not Ross's fault. The task is
hopeless. It is like trying to change American public opinion about al
Qaeda with an Osama appeal delivered in English.

What talks in the region? Power. Look around. Yemen, home to terrorists
who blew up the Cole, and run by a government that had stymied American
investigators, has begun a military campaign against its own al Qaeda
elements. Some of the factions in Somalia have united to go after al
Qaeda as well. Under heavy post-Afghanistan American pressure, both
Pakistan and the Palestinian Authority have begun to put some curbs on
the terrorists they harbor.

Why? A new understanding of the value of human life? A new appreciation
of their enemies' grievances?

Of course not. Fear. Respect for American power. The Somalis and the
Yemenis know that if they do not go after al Qaeda, the laser-guided,
precisely addressed bombs might fall on them.

In 1996 bin Laden declared war on America, glorying in its "impotence
and weaknesses" for running out under fire from Beirut (Marine barracks
bombing, 1983), Aden (hotel bombings, 1992) and Mogadishu ("Black Hawk
Down," 1993).

He got it wrong. And the world now knows it. Afghanistan demonstrated
that America has both the power and the will to fight, and that when it
does, it prevails.

Yes, bin Laden is still on the loose, and that is important, because he
could still direct terrorist attacks. But the demonstration effect of
the Afghan war has already deeply changed the Near East. The area's
leaders understand that their future lies with us, not him. Accordingly,
they are listening to us.

How far will they go in fighting radical Islam with us? As far as we
will push them. We must not relent. We must summon the will and
determination to demand that they go all the way -- to eradicate al
Qaeda and the other terrorists within their midst -- or else start
scanning the skies for B-52s.


C 2002 The Washington Post Company

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