HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
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CYRUS VANCE, R.I.P. 

http://www.rockfordinstitute.org/News/Trifkovic/News&Views.htm
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January 16, 2002

The news of Cyrus Vance's death on January 12 brought back the memory of
a golden autumn afternoon in 1992 we spent discussing the intricacies of
the Balkans at the Palais des Nations in Geneva. Vance was at that time
the U.N. Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar's special
representative charged with the impossible task of mediating the war in
the former Yugoslavia. At that time I advised Crown Prince Alexander of
Yugoslavia, who had made Vance's acquaintance some years before, and we
were to meet again at the lovely lakeside villa of Daniel Boyer, a joint
friend.

Vance was an old-fashioned liberal of impeccable manners, dress, and
speech. But for his accent he could have passed for an English squire of
a Whiggish bend, tweeds and half-moon glasses and all; his implicit
Anglophilia was evident from a few casual references to books, friends,
and places. I had been warned that he did not have any original ideas or
profound insights, but I was gratified by his quiet modesty. While his
performance as Jimmy Carter's Secretary of State was on the whole
lackluster (his contribution to the 1978 Camp David deal between Sadat
and Begin notwithstanding), his 1980 resignation from that post-in
protest at the ill-fated military operation to rescue the hostages from
Tehran-befitted that old-fashioned integrity which had once been the
hallmark of the East Coast establishment. 

When we met Vance was growing weary of the Balkans. A year earlier, in
late 1991, he had helped reach a ceasefire in Croatia; but with
Bosnia-Herzegovina he faced an impossible task. Unlike the ideologues in
Washington and their media cronies, he understood that "Bosnia" was not
a real country, much less a nation, but a mini-Yugoslavia devoid of
inner cohesion that could not be kept together except by external force.
At the same time he could not say so aloud as his brief was clear:
square the circle the best you can, but only within the Bosnian
framework. Partition would not be allowed.

Vance did not have his heart in it. Having developed a healthy disdain
for all parties to the conflict, and an understated awareness of the
impossibility of the mission, he was glad to have the burden taken off
his shoulders with the arrival of David Owen, a failed British
politician full of ambition and adrenalin who was sent by the European
Union as Vance's fellow negotiator. Owen did not have a problem with the
fact that the settlement had to be based on the illogical and immoral
recognition of administrative boundaries between Yugoslavia's former
constituent republics as fully-fledged international frontiers. Unlike
Vance, Owen joined with gusto in the effort to construe "Bosnia" as a
test of Western resolve in the epic struggle of multi-ethnicity (the
Muslims) versus atavistic, tribal nationalism (the Serbs).

The resulting absurdity known as the "Vance-Owen Peace Plan" was Owen's
doing, and his failure, not Vance's. Ever neurotically hyperactive, Owen
hijacked what passed for the Bosnian peace process by hinting that "Cy's
past it"-but he hardly stopped to reflect that Vance did not mind in the
least having the limelight taken away. He quietly went along with the
plan's key objective-to give the Muslims their chief war aim, a single,
centralized Bosnian state-knowing that the Clinton Administration would
duly torpedo the whole thing anyway, believing the territorial
arrangement too generous to the Serbs. The subsequent fiasco was a
personal tragedy to Owen, and a matter of no consequence to Vance. His
career was over anyway, and his name beyond reproach.

Vance's career had reached its zenith fifteen years earlier when he got
the State. His previous career was solid, albeit not exactly
distinguished. He was born in 1917 in Clarksburg, WV, got his honors
from Yale Law School in 1942, and served as a naval gunnery officer in
the Pacific for the rest of the war. After stint as a Wall Street lawyer
Vance entered public life at 39 as general counsel to the Senate Space
and Aeronautics Committee, where he drafted the legislation establishing
the NASA. In 1960 he moved to the Pentagon, and two years later Kennedy
appointed him Secretary of the Army. Shortly after Dallas LBJ made him
deputy defense secretary under Robert McNamara. Within months Vance had
to deal with the escalating Vietnam War, which he supported until the
tide of public opinion turned in 1967.

Some of Vance's former colleagues never forgave his abrupt change of
heart and subsequent resignation from the government. Nevertheless, when
Johnson withdrew from the impending presidential race in March 1968 and
offered to discuss peace terms with Hanoi, he made Vance deputy to the
chief American negotiator, Averell Harriman. The commentary in
Washington, based on Vance's well-established reputation for endless
nitpicking, was that Johnson was simply pursuing the war by other means.
The job remained unfinished,
however: it took five years, and another administration, before the
inglorious terms were signed. 

During the Nixon years Vance returned to his law practice but was
recalled to government by President Carter in 1977. From his earliest
days as secretary of state there were clear tensions within the new
team. Vance's position was made difficult by the President's lack of
strategic objectives, his hesitant nature, and his frustrating proneness
to micromanagement. Vance also had to contend with two people he came to
detest, with ample reason. One was Andrew Young, the U.N. ambassador,
enough said. The other was Carter's national security advisor Zbigniew
Brzezinski, the clever demagogue who Vance eventually suspected of
pursuing an agenda determined by his ethnic obsessions and atavistic
hang-ups. The tone was set within a week of the new Administration's
assuming office, when Washington issued an tactlessly worded declaration
of support for the dissident physicist Andrei Sakharov, then involved in
a row with the Kremlin, which brought an outraged protest from Moscow.
Within hours it transpired that the declaration had been made without
Vance's knowledge: Zbig had been flexing his muscles.

Brzezinski's disruptive influence surfaced again over the complex
negotiations that Vance conducted on the strategic arms limitation
treaty (Salt II). Without mentioning anything to Vance Brzezinski
persuaded Carter to present at the last minute a completely new set of
proposals to the Russians-proposals he knew to be unacceptable, and
which were duly dismissed by Moscow as "absurd." He also intervened
destructively after the conclusion of the Camp David accords in 1978, in
which Vance had played a major role. Brzezinski ignored State Department
warnings that the Jordanians and Saudis would take a long time to accept
the new situation, and-to upstage Vance-he enraged both nations with
ill-disguised briefings in which he claimed they were simply putting up
token opposition before joining enlarged talks. This proved to be wrong,
and the damage to the peace process proved deep and durable. 

This pattern continued across the foreign policy spectrum, culminating
in the showdown precipitated by the fall of the Shah. In a frantic bid
to resolve the impasse with American hostages at the U.S. Embassy in
Teheran, further complicated by Carter's inept response to the Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan, the White House planned a military rescue
mission. The final decision to go ahead was taken at a meeting of the
National Security Council held while Vance was on holiday. He strongly
opposed the plan on his return but his objections were not heeded.
Although the news was kept initially secret Vance resigned and went back
to the law.

Looking back at that unhappy period over two decades later, compared to
his rivals Cyrus Vance comes across as the embodiment of integrity and
trustworthiness. Just like with Owen over a decade later, the more they
won publicity for their personalities (and their failures), the more
respect grew for his quiet modesty. Zbig the Ideologue despised Vance
because he did not hate Russia, in addition to abhorring Soviet
communism, and because he was not an "intellectual." Indeed he was not,
as we can see from of the concluding paragraphs of Vance's book of
memoirs (Hard Choices, 1983):

In the end, deciding whether and how to act in the cause of human rights
requires informed and careful judgment. No mechanistic formula will
produce an automatic answer. Predicting the course of future events is
difficult. It is unlikely that we will find easy answers to major
questions. Our wisdom, imagination, and leadership will be severely
tested. We will find increasingly that we must work with other nations
to achieve our goals and to coordinate, as never before, our foreign and
domestic concerns. We are likely to find that in many areas of foreign
policy, our basic frame of reference is shifting, sometimes subtly,
sometimes with dramatic force. We must therefore prepare ourselves for
what may come by constantly probing for new understanding, by educating
ourselves and the coming generation in the realities of the world and
our place in it, and by developing the national strength, skills, and
relationships with others that can help us meet the future with
confidence . . . We can see tomorrow as merely an extension of today and
erode our ability to adapt to and influence new circumstances. Or we can
see what lies ahead as another opportunity to use our immense strengths
and talents to provide better lives both for our own people and for
others. The choice is ours, but it must be made early in this decade if
we are to play our necessary role in the next.

This is pedestrian stuff, but on the whole honest and harmless, just
like the man himself, and therefore totally unlike Brzezinski and his
ilk. In the end the difference boils down to the fact that Cyrus Vance
was a good American. 

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