HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK ---------------------------Just a note this is from IWPR so be sure to put on your Soros-BS filters when reading the following info....[Of course this is a wholly RACIST law since in the interest of "OPEN BORDERS" only Hungarians will have rights to the benefits of Hungary's EU membership, while other Yugoslav untermenshcen of Slavic background will have to wallow in an impoverished, encircled backwater ruled by a neofascist puppet regime...of joy!]
In a message dated 24/01/02 09:15:48 Eastern Standard Time, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
BELGRADE SIDELINES MILOSEVIC-ERA MAGYAR SUSPICIONS
The Yugoslav authorities underline their liberal credentials by giving
go-ahead for Vojvodina Magyars to apply for Hungarian ID cards.
By Jan Briza in Novi Sad
Thousands of ethnic Hungarians in the northern Serbian province of Vojvodina
have been snapping up Budapest-issued Magyar ID cards after the Yugoslav
authorities gave the go-ahead for the move - unthinkable under the
nationalist Milosevic regime.
The federal authorites, which a few years ago would have dismissed the
initiative as proof of Hungary's territorial pretentions on Vojvodina,
believe the new cards could alleviate economic problems in the province.
The only real criticism of the move has come from a few diehard Serbian
nationalists and some liberal intellectuals.
Predictably, thousands of ethnic Hungarians in Vojvodina are rushing to get
their hands on the new identy cards following Budapest's enactment on
January 1 of a law granting the IDs and related privileges to Magyars living
abroad.
Vojvodina in northern Serbia is home to around 300,000 ethnic Hungarians,
about 15 per cent of the population.
Among other advantages, holders of the new ID cards and members of their
families gain access to free medical care and education in Hungary, pension
rights and an annual three-month work permit.
When Hungary becomes a full member of the European Union in 2004, card
holders will also find it much easier to get visas for foreign travel.
The Yugoslav government has welcomed the new law. Federal ministers for
national minorities and foreign affairs, Rasim Ljajic and Goran Svilanovic
respectively, have both stressed the positive aspects of the legislation
and praised Hungary's concern for its minorities in neighbouring states.
The government hopes the ID cards and the advantages they bring could help
alleviate social discontent in Vojvodina, which despite being one of
Yugoslavia's richest areas is beset with economic problems. Unemployment in
the region is around 40 per cent and is expected to rise in the wake of
anticipated mass layoffs of state employees.
Embattled Serbian nationalists, among them Vojislav Seselj's tiny Serbian
Radical Party, SRS, have attempted to exploit the ID card issue, accusing
the Hungarian government of harbouring territorial pretensions towards
Vojvodina.
In the past, the SRS has denounced the Vojvodina Hungarian Union, SVM, the
minority's largest political party, as disloyal and secessionist. Tomislav
Nikolic, deputy leader of the SRS, has repeatedly accused Josef Kasa, head
of the SVM and deputy president of the Serbian government, of viewing
Hungary "as an alternative homeland" and of taking his lead from Budapest.
But the Hungarian ambassador to Yugoslavia, Janos Huszar, said he was not
aware of any protests from the Serbian public regarding the Hungarian
identity cards. "I think that Serbian society is open to this," he said.
But it is not only nationalist extremists who have voiced concern. Several
observers have suggested that the advantages granted to ethnic Hungarians
could sow division in the region should ID card holders become appreciably
better off than their Serbian counterparts.
Dr Dusan Janjic, coordinator of the forum for ethnic relations in Belgrade,
claims the Yugoslav authorities failed to gain vital concessions from
Budapest. "The identity cards should have been available to all regardless
of their nationality," he said.
Janjic pointed out that Romania had secured an agreement with Budapest
granting the right to temporary work permits to all Romanians.
Huszar said the new law was designed to help Hungarian minorities preserve
their national identity, culture and language. "The aim is for Hungarians in
all these regions to survive as Hungarians," he said.
Others suspect Hungary may have an economic motive too - by granting
privileges to ethnic Hungarians resident abroad Budapest may be hoping to
avert an influx of impoverished immigrants.
Over the past ten years, around 40,000 ethnic Magyars have left Vojvodina
for Hungary, some fleeing the wars in former Yugoslavia, others mounting
poverty and unemployment.
The fact that those applying for full Hungarian citizenship lose the right
to apply for identity cards adds credence to the idea that Budapest is
seeking to encourage minorities to stay put.
A poll by Radio 021 in Novi Sad, regional capital of Vojvodina, indicated
that economic reasons topped the list for those applying for the identity
cards.
Atila Marton, a journalist on the Hungarian-language newspaper Maguar Szo
and a local teacher, said he wanted a card because it offered travel
discounts. Card holders over 65 and children under the age of six have the
right to free transport in Hungary, while the remainder are entitled to a 90
per cent reduction on fares four times per year.
"I already visit Hungary often and I buy books there," Marton said. "Now
I'll be able to do it much cheaper."
Offices of the Concordia Minoritatis Hungaricae, which processes ID card
applications, have opened in six Vojvodina towns near the Hungarian border.
Within days, several thousand ethnic Hungarians had applied. If the take-up
rate continues, all Vojvodina's Magyars could have cards within six months.
Jan Briza is the deputy editor-in-chief of the Novi Sad daily Dnevnik
--------------------------- ANTI-NATO INFORMATION LIST
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--- Begin Message ---WELCOME TO IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 311, January 24, 2002 BOSNIA: EXTRADITIONS MAY THREATEN COE MEMBERSHIP Bosnia may have put its membership of a key European body at risk by handing over Arab terrorist suspects to the Americans. Janez Kovac reports from Sarajevo MACEDONIA: ALBANIAN PARTIES FORM UNITED FRONT After months of silence, Macedonia's Albanian parties have backed calls by the country's former guerrilla leader Ali Ahmeti to form a united front. Iso Rusi reports from Skopje BELGRADE SIDELINES MILOSEVIC-ERA MAGYAR SUSPICIONS The Yugoslav authorities underline their liberal credentials by giving go-ahead for Vojvodina Magyars to apply for Hungarian ID cards. Jan Briza reports from Novi Sad KOSOVO: NEW UN BOSS FACES POLITICAL MESS Kosovo's newly appointed UN administrator will have his hands full when he takes up the post. Adriatik Kelmendi reports from Pristina ************ VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: http://www.iwpr.net ****************** EDITOR'S NOTE - In light of the Afghan conflict, IWPR will be archiving any relevant articles from all our services: http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?intcrisis_index.html A Crisis Reporting Network site features reports by IWPR and its partners: http://www.crisisreport.org We also strongly urge readers to subscribe to IWPR's Caucasus Reporting Service, Reporting Central Asia and Tribunal Update: http://www.mystery.com/ml/iwpr.html ************ VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: http://www.iwpr.net ****************** Visit our Macedonian project pages to find out more about the activities of our Skopje office and team working to support local media professionalism at a critical time. http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?balkans_mac_project.html ************ VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: http://www.iwpr.net ****************** BOSNIA: EXTRADITIONS MAY THREATEN COE MEMBERSHIP Bosnia may have put its membership of a key European body at risk by handing over Arab terrorist suspects to the Americans By Janez Kovac in Sarajevo Bosnia's controversial decision last week to hand over six suspected Arab terrorists to the US could jeopardise the country's chances of joining the Council of Europe, CoE, warned a senior UN official this week. Madeleine Rees, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, UNHCHR, issued the warning at a press conference in Sarajevo on Tuesday, hours before the CoE's parliamentary assembly made its recommendation to accept Bosnia. But Bosnia's much criticised handover of the suspected terrorists could jeopardise the membership process since the CoE holds human rights issues as key to declining or postponing entry to the organisation. Council members are due to vote in April. Five of the suspects had originally been arrested in connection with an alleged plot to launch attacks on British and US embassies in Sarajevo in October last year. The sixth was held on suspicion of having contact with Osama bin Laden. All are now currently thought to be in custody at the Guantanamo Bay facility in Cuba. The controversy surrounding the case centres on the fact that the detainees had already been acquitted by Bosnia's supreme court for lack of evidence and the country's human rights' chamber had ordered a halt to the extradition until their legal appeals had been heard. "The need to combat terrorism in all forms is necessary and legitimate - it must not, however, be done in such a manner that everything is held hostage to that necessity," said Rees. It is widely believed the Bosnian government was pressured by the US into handing over the the six Arab detainees on January 17. American ambassador Clifford Bond has denied the suggestion. But many Bosnians are unconvinced and are angry with their government for apparently caving into Washington's demands. While supporting the current American attempt to crack down on global terrorism, the prevailing feeling here is that such circumvention of local law is highly damaging to the country. International officials based in Bosnia declined to comment on the affair, apparently reluctant to openly criticise the US government, but some acknowledged that it would harm the country's young and fragile democracy. "There is no question that legal action should have been taken against those six men had there been any evidence implicating them in terrorist activities," said one Western official. "It could and should have been done in the accordance with the law - not in this way." It seems there have been problems with the case against the six Arabs ever since their arrest back in October last year. Firstly, serious doubts were cast over US assertions that the main suspect, Bensayah Belkacem, was a key figure in the al-Qaeda network and had close ties with Bin Laden. A local police investigation only turned up evidence that members of the group had forged documents, but even this was later thrown out. Then, media reports in Bosnia said that both the US and NATO were unwilling to divulge key evidence implicating the group for fear of exposing their intelligence network in the country. With no hard facts to hand, the supreme court decided the suspects should be released. However, the Bosnian press say US officials had already secured a promise to hand them over by threatening severe sanctions if they decided not to comply. "The rule of law was clearly circumvented in this process... and to ignore human rights considerations places us at a great risk for future democracy and freedoms," said Rees. She called for legal sanctions against those Bosnian government and police officials who had participated in the extradition, but also stressed that she holds American officials involved in the action also responsible. "We cannot have a dual system here. It's either the rule of law or it is not," she said. Janez Kovac is a regular IWPR contributor. MACEDONIA: ALBANIAN PARTIES FORM UNITED FRONT After months of silence, Macedonia's Albanian parties have backed calls by the country's former guerrilla leader Ali Ahmeti to form a united front By Iso Rusi in Skopje While Macedonian parties show increasing signs of fragmentation, parties representing the country's large Albanian minority are merging into a single political bloc, aimed at both advancing their interests and promoting democracy in the country. Moves to establish a coordination team for the merger were made public last week by the former leader of the disbanded National Liberation Army, NLA, Ali Ahmeti. The coordination team is to comprise two members each from the Party for Democratic Prosperity, PDP, the Democratic Party of the Albanians, DPA, and the National Democratic Party, NDP, and three from the former NLA. The discussion about possible candidates is currently under way. PDP leader, Imer Imeri, said the new leadership would be made up of people "who have proven themselves and who will inspire confidence among the people". The new bloc, which is expected to call itself the Democratic Alliance - Integration Movement, is to hold its first working session at the end of the month. There, component parties will formally cease their separate activities and draw up a set of common goals. The secretary-general of the NDP, Xhevat Ademi, said the coordination council would not concern itself with trifling party business but with big national issues. The council's mandate will coincide with the duration of the next parliament. It will contest the next elections - the date of which is still unclear. The latest guess is that they may be held in May. The broad goals of the Albanian alliance are to strengthen Albanian interests in the country by preserving last August's internationally-brokered Ohrid peace deal and supporting moves to democratise society. The hope is that this will improve the Albanians' image at home and abroad, lead to a relaxation of currently fierce ethnic tension and help build a truly multi-ethnic society. At the same time, the moving spirits behind the new bloc want to see an injection of new blood into the Albanian political system and the retirement of compromised old hands. The establishment of a united front came out of the blue. When the weekly magazine Lobi published reports in two issues before New Year outlining Ahmeti's ideas, there was no public reaction from Albanian parties. Although the plan had been circulating for months, the community's political representatives appeared afraid to confirm its existence. The strong support they've recently expressed for the initiative suggests they now see it as a lifeline for parties that were widely seen as worn out. Only a few politicians have warned of a possible downside to the union, the elimination of political pluralism, for example. The creation of the bloc is a personal triumph for Ahmeti. As the daily newspaper Vecer remarked, "He has managed to turn himself into a political figure fighting to preserve Albanian political unity". While Albanian parties are submerging their individual identities in a common cause, the opposite process is taking place among their Macedonian counterparts, where new splits are emerging every day. In the latest sign of fragmentation, Dosta Dimovska, Macedonia's moderate deputy prime minister, resigned from office last week after a row with nationalists in her own ruling Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation, VRMO-DPMNE, concerning police redeployment in former NLA-held areas. Dimovska accused the hard line prime minister, Ljubco Georgievski, of flouting the Western-monitored scheme for ethnically-mixed police patrols to re-enter villages seized by the guerrillas during last year's insurgency. The resignation of Dimovska, an influential figure in VMRO-DPMNE, is a victory for the nationalist wing in the government and poses a threat to the fragile peace process. NATO, OSCE and EU representatives in Macedonia, who were all alarmed by the resignation, had hoped she would reconsider after the premier and VMRO's leadership urged her to stay on. Dimovska had headed the government's Coordination Body for Managing the Crisis, CBMC, which was supervising the peace plan's implementation on the ground. As a result of her departure, plans for mixed police patrols to enter tense villages around the northern town of Kumanovo were temporarily suspended. The government is now expected to dismiss the CBMC altogether. "It hasn't done its job," a government source said, adding that a new way of coordinating the activities of the police, army and international observers from the EU and OSCE will have to be found. Iso Rusi is editor-in-chief of the Albanian weekly Lobi BELGRADE SIDELINES MILOSEVIC-ERA MAGYAR SUSPICIONS The Yugoslav authorities underline their liberal credentials by giving go-ahead for Vojvodina Magyars to apply for Hungarian ID cards. By Jan Briza in Novi Sad Thousands of ethnic Hungarians in the northern Serbian province of Vojvodina have been snapping up Budapest-issued Magyar ID cards after the Yugoslav authorities gave the go-ahead for the move - unthinkable under the nationalist Milosevic regime. The federal authorites, which a few years ago would have dismissed the initiative as proof of Hungary's territorial pretentions on Vojvodina, believe the new cards could alleviate economic problems in the province. The only real criticism of the move has come from a few diehard Serbian nationalists and some liberal intellectuals. Predictably, thousands of ethnic Hungarians in Vojvodina are rushing to get their hands on the new identy cards following Budapest's enactment on January 1 of a law granting the IDs and related privileges to Magyars living abroad. Vojvodina in northern Serbia is home to around 300,000 ethnic Hungarians, about 15 per cent of the population. Among other advantages, holders of the new ID cards and members of their families gain access to free medical care and education in Hungary, pension rights and an annual three-month work permit. When Hungary becomes a full member of the European Union in 2004, card holders will also find it much easier to get visas for foreign travel. The Yugoslav government has welcomed the new law. Federal ministers for national minorities and foreign affairs, Rasim Ljajic and Goran Svilanovic respectively, have both stressed the positive aspects of the legislation and praised Hungary's concern for its minorities in neighbouring states. The government hopes the ID cards and the advantages they bring could help alleviate social discontent in Vojvodina, which despite being one of Yugoslavia's richest areas is beset with economic problems. Unemployment in the region is around 40 per cent and is expected to rise in the wake of anticipated mass layoffs of state employees. Embattled Serbian nationalists, among them Vojislav Seselj's tiny Serbian Radical Party, SRS, have attempted to exploit the ID card issue, accusing the Hungarian government of harbouring territorial pretensions towards Vojvodina. In the past, the SRS has denounced the Vojvodina Hungarian Union, SVM, the minority's largest political party, as disloyal and secessionist. Tomislav Nikolic, deputy leader of the SRS, has repeatedly accused Josef Kasa, head of the SVM and deputy president of the Serbian government, of viewing Hungary "as an alternative homeland" and of taking his lead from Budapest. But the Hungarian ambassador to Yugoslavia, Janos Huszar, said he was not aware of any protests from the Serbian public regarding the Hungarian identity cards. "I think that Serbian society is open to this," he said. But it is not only nationalist extremists who have voiced concern. Several observers have suggested that the advantages granted to ethnic Hungarians could sow division in the region should ID card holders become appreciably better off than their Serbian counterparts. Dr Dusan Janjic, coordinator of the forum for ethnic relations in Belgrade, claims the Yugoslav authorities failed to gain vital concessions from Budapest. "The identity cards should have been available to all regardless of their nationality," he said. Janjic pointed out that Romania had secured an agreement with Budapest granting the right to temporary work permits to all Romanians. Huszar said the new law was designed to help Hungarian minorities preserve their national identity, culture and language. "The aim is for Hungarians in all these regions to survive as Hungarians," he said. Others suspect Hungary may have an economic motive too - by granting privileges to ethnic Hungarians resident abroad Budapest may be hoping to avert an influx of impoverished immigrants. Over the past ten years, around 40,000 ethnic Magyars have left Vojvodina for Hungary, some fleeing the wars in former Yugoslavia, others mounting poverty and unemployment. The fact that those applying for full Hungarian citizenship lose the right to apply for identity cards adds credence to the idea that Budapest is seeking to encourage minorities to stay put. A poll by Radio 021 in Novi Sad, regional capital of Vojvodina, indicated that economic reasons topped the list for those applying for the identity cards. Atila Marton, a journalist on the Hungarian-language newspaper Maguar Szo and a local teacher, said he wanted a card because it offered travel discounts. Card holders over 65 and children under the age of six have the right to free transport in Hungary, while the remainder are entitled to a 90 per cent reduction on fares four times per year. "I already visit Hungary often and I buy books there," Marton said. "Now I'll be able to do it much cheaper." Offices of the Concordia Minoritatis Hungaricae, which processes ID card applications, have opened in six Vojvodina towns near the Hungarian border. Within days, several thousand ethnic Hungarians had applied. If the take-up rate continues, all Vojvodina's Magyars could have cards within six months. Jan Briza is the deputy editor-in-chief of the Novi Sad daily Dnevnik KOSOVO: NEW UN BOSS FACES POLITICAL MESS Kosovo's newly appointed UN administrator will have his hands full when he takes up the post. By Adriatik Kelmendi in Pristina A new UN chief for Kosovo has finally been named, but with the province close to chaos, he faces an uphill struggle. At the moment, it is not clear when Michael Steiner will take over as UN administrator for Kosovo, replacing Hans Haekkerup who resigned unexpectedly in December, leaving the international protectorate with a power vacuum. Kosovo currently has no president, no prime minister and no functioning ministries. What's worse, the internationals who once ran the show are faltering. In addition to Haekkerup's resignation last month, the mandate of Daan Everts, chief of OSCE mission in Kosovo, expired on November 30, 2001, with his successor, Pascal Fieschi, being named only a week ago. Two years after the war, the people of Kosovo hoped that the November 17 elections would give the region self-governing institutions, after a decade of Belgrade's apartheid policies. But the new Kosovo assembly has failed to elect a president in three consecutive sessions due to squabbling among the main political parties, and without a president, no prime minister or other government ministers can be appointed. Val Percival of the International Crisis Group, ICG, said," "Haekkerup left too early - and the fact that parliament has not yet elected a president leads me to believe that [Kosovo] is in an institutional vacuum." Kosovo currently has no functioning ministries and the Joint Interim Administration departments, made up of locals and internationals, were wound up weeks before the parliamentary elections were held, to prepare the way for a new local administration. In theory, the UN chief administrator's deputy, Charles Brayshaw, continues to make important decisions about the running of the region, but the impression is that he is not coping too well. This is evident from the fact that in education and other public service sectors there are real problems which seem to have resulted from the absence of high-level decision-making. There are many disputes over when the new semester should begin after the winter vacation is over. Education chiefs on municipality councils have ordered schools to reopen at different times - as a result some children are back in class while others are still on holiday. The Kosovo energy company, meanwhile, says it needs help in collecting unpaid electricity bills. The power vacuum has itself become the issue of yet more wrangling, with every political player trying to pin the blame for the current crisis on someone else. The four biggest parties in Kosovo, namely - the Democratic League of Kosovo, the Democratic Party of Kosovo and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, as well as the Serbian coalition Povratak - have all criticised Haekkerup for resigning at such a crucial time, claiming his departure has contributed to the chaos. UNMIK spokesman, Simon Haselock, says the criticism is unfair. "I do not think the [Kosovo] president would have been elected had Haekkerup been here. The UN chief administrator cannot force the politicians to reach a deal." ICG analyst Peter Palmer claimed Kosovo politicians bore much responsibility for the current mess. "How can new institutions, a government and ministries be established when political leaders have not shown readiness to establish the government." Arsim Bajrami, from the Democratic Party, warns that the political deadlock could lead to anarchy, as the one-month delay in establishing institutions means six-month delay in the legislative process. Some locals believe that the arrival of a new chief UN administrator will help move things forward. Shk�lzen Maliqi, a philosopher and an analyst, says Michael Steiner's familiarity with Balkan affairs will stand him in good stead, particularly in dealing with the big issues affecting the region, such as Kosovo's future status. Adriatik Kelmendi is a journalist with the Kosovo daily Koha Ditore ************ VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: http://www.iwpr.net ****************** IWPR's network of leading correspondents in the region provides inside analysis of the events and issues driving crises in the Balkans. The reports are available on the Web in English, Serbian and Albanian. They are also available via e-mail. For syndication information, contact Anthony Borden <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>. Balkan Crisis Report is supported by the Department for International Development, European Commission, Swedish International Development and Cooperation Agency, The Netherlands Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and other sources. IWPR also acknowledges general support from the Ford Foundation. For further details on this project and other information services and media programmes, visit IWPR's Website: <http://www.iwpr.net>. All IWPR's reporting services including Balkan Crisis Reports, Reporting Central Asia and Tribunal Update are available free of charge via e-mail subscription or direct from the Web. To subscribe or unsubscribe, visit Web page: http://www.mystery.com/ml/iwpr.html Editor-in-chief: Anthony Borden. Managing Editor: Yigal Chazan. Associate Editor: Gordana Igric. Assistant Editors: Alan Davis, Heather Milner, Dragana Nikolic and Mirna Jancic. Kosovo Project Manager: Nehat Islami. Translation: Alban Mitrushi, Dragana Nikolic, Denisa Kostovic and others. The Institute for War & Peace Reporting (IWPR) is a London-based independent non-profit organisation supporting regional media and democratic change. Lancaster House, 33 Islington High Street, London N1 9LH, UK Tel: (44 171) 713 7130; Fax: (44 171) 713 7140 E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]; Web: www.iwpr.net The opinions expressed in "Balkan Crisis Report" are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR. Copyright (C) 2001 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting *** VISIT IWPR ON-LINE: http://www.iwpr.net ******************* IWPR'S BALKAN CRISIS REPORT, NO. 311 -- ### -- {#} ----------------------------------------------------+[ bcrenglish ]+------ End Message ---
