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> Warhead Storage Ensures More Than U.S. Nuclear Superiority
>
> Summary
>
> The White House said on Jan. 9 that it will not destroy all of
> the nuclear weapons that would have been decommissioned under a
> planned U.S.-Russian agreement. The move will ensure that Russia
> will lose its last vestige of superpower status and that China
> can never beat Washington in an arms race. But more important,
> the plan will help preserve the military, political and economic
> dominance of the United States for decades.
>
> Analysis
>
> The White House shocked arms-control advocates and Russian
> disarmament negotiators Jan. 9, when it revealed plans to store,
> not destroy, most of the 4,000 U.S. nuclear warheads that would
> have been dismantled under a developing U.S.-Russian disarmament
> agreement. The move complicates relations with both China and
> Russia, but the rationale behind it is about much more than
> maintaining mere numerical superiority in nuclear capacity.
>
> The decision reveals that the United States is finally moving
> beyond the Cold War security policy of mutually assured
> destruction (MAD). Stockpiling the warheads will trigger an
> evolution in the military toward more advanced and readily
> deployable conventional forces. This will help safeguard U.S.
> military, political and economic dominance for the next century.
>
> Since long before the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty first
> entered into force back in 1970, U.S.-Soviet relations were
> predicated on the premise of mutually assured destruction and
> strategic parity. With some notable exceptions, such as de-
> targeting agreements, much of this Cold War balance of power
> still remained in the post-Cold War era.
>
> The Bush administration's decision to store the warheads instead
> of destroying them, particularly when combined with Washington's
> abrogation of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM), shatters
> this pre-existing order. The most immediate effects will be
> visited upon Washington's former foe Russia -- which is also
> expected to dismantle around 4,000 nuclear warheads once the new
> treaty is signed.
>
> After a decade of political, economic, social and military
> decline, Russia was left with but one fragment of its old
> superpower status: its nuclear parity with the United States. The
> White House's recent announcement thrusts forward a cold, hard
> fact: Russia cannot afford to maintain its nuclear arsenal on a
> 2002 defense budget of $9 billion while the United States -- with
> $379 billion penciled in -- can.
>
> This unpleasant disconnect is not a new one for Moscow. The
> Russians have known for years they cannot directly compete with
> the United States missile for missile or dollar for dollar, but
> previous U.S. administrations have been willing to let Moscow
> save face.
>
> Now, however, the Bush team has decided the time has come to end
> the illusion of strategic parity despite Russia's assistance to
> the United States in its recent war effort in Afghanistan. The
> message to Moscow is that it's great if you are willing to be an
> ally, but there should be no mistake about who is in charge. Even
> if it is just stating the obvious, for Moscow that's the
> diplomatic equivalent of a kick in the teeth.
>
> For China, Washington's signal is equally clear and somewhat more
> ominous. Behind the wall of rhetoric, Washington and Moscow have
> quietly worked together on some facets of an anti-ballistic
> missile shield under the rubric of the RAMOS (Russian-American
> Observation Satellite) project. And one Russian proposal that
> would necessitate Moscow's cooperation, that of targeting hostile
> missiles while they are in their launch phase, looks to be a
> central tenet in Washington's developing ABM framework.
>
> China has no chance of such involvement with the United States.
> This is mainly due to the fact that Beijing is an as-yet-unspoken
> rationale for a U.S. missile shield, which could easily guard
> against the threat posed by the 20 Chinese missiles currently
> capable of striking the United States. China will use the planned
> shield as its rationale for enlarging and modernizing its fleet,
> and the United States in turn will use China's efforts as its
> rationale for its own upgrades.
>
> In the intelligence business, this is called an arms race, but
> the U.S. decision not to destroy the 4,000 warheads means the
> race is over before it has begun.
>
> Between the ABM treaty, the economic prowess of the United
> States, its overwhelming technological edge and a store of ready-
> to-go warheads, the Bush plan ensures American nuclear
> superiority for at least the next century. If China attempts to
> keep up, it will have to surmount far greater economic hurdles
> than the defense-budget crunch that led to the Soviet Union's
> downfall in the late 1980s.
>
> After all, even after the expected U.S.-Russian cuts, the United
> States will still have about a 1,500-active-warhead advantage
> over China, plus the 4,000 warheads stored in reserve.
>
> That does not, however, mean a nuclear America of the 21st
> Century will mirror 20th Century strategies. By taking its
> missiles off high alert, separately storing warheads and
> developing a multilayered missile defense system, the United
> States also ends MAD as a strategic doctrine.
>
> Although it is extremely unlikely the United States will ever
> publicly end its first-strike doctrine, the mothballing of most
> of Washington's offensive capability by its very nature makes
> America a reactive, not proactive, nuclear power. Warheads
> collecting in a warehouse certainly cannot also be on hair-
> trigger alert.
>
> The change in nuclear stance will send a powerful shockwave
> through U.S. military capabilities.
>
> The abandonment of MAD destabilizes the global security
> environment. MAD granted predictability, and it ironically gave
> second- and third-tier states room to maneuver. A country such as
> North Vietnam knew that the United States would never move too
> boldly against it for fear of retribution from the Soviet Union.
>
> With MAD discarded, the United States largely is free of that
> concern. This opens up a diverse array of options previously
> denied it. Now, anyone opposing the United States must factor in
> the possibility of facing U.S. forces that are free to operate
> without hesitation or reservation. That will certainly make these
> states more skittish and unpredictable, increasing the United
> States' need to be able to project power.
>
> To project this power will require entirely new generations of
> weapons systems, with modifications of regional strategic
> doctrines to match. The Bush administration's proposed $379
> billion for defense -- a 15 percent increase over last year's and
> the largest increase since former President Ronald Reagan's 1981
> buildup -- is only the first step in that very expensive
> direction.
>
> This is an expense the United States has proven it can easily
> afford. At the end of the Cold War, Washington spent about 5.4
> percent of its GDP on defense. After the unprecedented economic
> expansion in the 1990s, were the United States to ratchet up to
> the same level again, it would need to spend $540 billion,
> something the U.S. economy could easily support.
>
> Such a military-capacity expansion will have a multitude of
> follow-on effects, most noticeably on American foreign policy.
> During the Clinton administration, capability shortage was one of
> the most significant restrictions on American power projection.
> Replacing MAD with military hegemony changes all that.
>
> From a military standpoint, Washington will be much more capable
> than in years past of addressing skirmishes on multiple fronts.
> From a political point of view, the United States will have a far
> greater array of options to pursue policies.
>
> Economically, the constant innovation and upgrading that will
> occur in the military sector will also flow into the civilian
> market. Such a spin-off phenomenon that came with the 1980s
> defense buildup -- which brought the Internet, civilian satellite
> systems and modern medical laser therapies to the United States -
> - is set to echo throughout the 21st Century.
> ___________________________________________________________________
>

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