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CNN
Soviet Remnants Remain in Kandahar
January 27, 2002
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY
BE UPDATED.

MILES O'BRIEN, CNN ANCHOR: One American serviceman at - in Kandahar,
Afghanistan is actually from Ukraine. His father was a veteran of the old
Soviet army and now, he wears an American flag patch on one soldier. From
Kandahar, CNN's Martin Savidge tells us about old wars and new soldiers.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

MARTIN SAVIDGE, CNN CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): There are ghosts at the
Kandahar Airport. They dwell in the outer buildings and linger in the
shadow of a still-growing U.S. military presence. At this former hub of
another army, of another time, the shadowed remnants of the failed Soviet
occupation bleach beneath the Afghan sun. Russian planes that once roared
for the runway now rest beside it in a mass grave.

Not far away, there's spare engines still stacked in the crates they came
in. A former barracks reeks of dust, decay and defeat. The Soviets do not
appear so much to have left but fled.

(on camera): Signs of a hasty Russian departure can be found everywhere. In
this room, it is piled two, three feet deep with old uniforms, a Russian
gray coat, an old suitcase here, part of a harness for a uniform, bandages,
lots of bandages, even an old boot.

(voice-over): Next to where the American forces now burn their garbage lies
a junk yard, stacked 50 feet high with Soviet vehicles as abandoned as the
empire that built them.

For the modern day occupiers, the past is just an oddity -- except for one.

Meet Andriy Kononenko. As a boy growing up in Soviet Ukraine, he dreamed of
joining the Army, but never in his wildest imagination did he envision it
would be the U.S. Army.

KONONENKO: Here we go. I'm ready to strike.

SAVIDGE: Six years ago, he moved to New York. Three years later, he was
wearing the uniform of the Army's 101st Airborne. Now he stands on the
parameter of America's war on terrorism. Recalling a recent conversation he
had with his father, a Soviet Army veteran, when Andriy said he was heading
for Afghanistan.

KONONENKO: He actually got -- I can't say scared, but he got very nervous
about it.

SAVIDGE: History is not lost on the 26-year old. From his post, Andriy can
see the demise of Russian domination. He can also see the irony.

KONONENKO: Who would think that in all the countries that I've ever been
and will ever be would be Afghanistan. It's amazing.

SAVIDGE: Andriy is prepared to lay down his life for America, saying he
chose to be here. That freedom to choose, he says, makes all the difference
between the soldiers here today and the ghosts of the past.

Martin Savidge, CNN, Kandahar.

#12
Forbes Global
February 4, 2002
Kabuled together
Oil companies have dreamed of a trans-Afghan pipeline. Are they crazy
enough to pull it off now?
By Daniel Fisher

It has been called the pipeline from hell, to hell, through hell. It's a
1,270-kilometer conduit, 1.2 meters in diameter, that would snake across
Afghanistan to carry natural gas from eastern Turkmenistan--with 700
billion cubic meters of proven reserves--to energy-hungry Pakistan and
beyond. Unocal of the U.S. and Bridas Petroleum of Argentina vied for the
$1.9 billion project in the 1990s. Now, with the collapse of the Taliban,
oil executives are suddenly talking again about building it.

"It is absolutely essential that the U.S. make the pipeline the centerpiece
of rebuilding Afghanistan," says S. Rob Sobhani, a professor of foreign
relations at Georgetown University and the head of Caspian Energy
Consulting. The State Department thinks it's a great idea, too. Routing the
gas through Iran would be avoided, and Central Asian republics wouldn't
have to ship through Russian pipelines.

But like everything else in Afghanistan, the unbuilt pipeline is already
scorched by history. Bridas made a stab at construction in the 1990s, says
Ahmed Rashid, a Pakistani financial journalist who recalls bumping into
Carlos Bulgheroni, Bridas' chairman, leaving a meeting with Taliban leaders
in Kandahar in early 1997. Later that year Unocal formed a consortium to
build the pipeline. (Bridas sued the California oil giant for stealing its
idea but lost.) Unocal mixed it up with tyrants, too, flying a delegation
of Taliban officials to its engineering headquarters in Houston, Texas, and
taking them on a side trip to the NASA Space Center.

It gets uglier. The Taliban lusted after the $25 million a year in would-be
pipeline royalties. Such a prize leads William O. Beeman, a professor at
Brown University who's an authority on Central Asia, to conclude that Osama
bin Laden's bombings in 1998 of U.S. embassies in Africa were designed to
nip the budding relationship between the Taliban and Western interests.
"Bin Laden didn't want the Taliban to be in bed with the U.S.," he says.
"It would have made his position untenable."

A spokeswoman for Unocal insists that the company never considered building
the pipeline under an illegitimate regime and is no longer interested in
the region. Still, the potential bounty of delivering $700 million or so of
gas each year is bound to tempt someone, even if Afghanistan's new interim
government and old warlords don't bury the scimitar.

At least whoever picks up the challenge needn't worry about the Afghans'
blowing the thing up. Unocal studied the problem extensively and concluded
that, with the exception of Colombia, rebels in war-torn countries don't
destroy key elements of the economic infrastructure. That's true even in
Afghanistan, where a series of dams and hydroelectric plants built with
American support in the 1950s and 1960s have survived two decades of almost
constant warfare. Demolishing giant sculptures of the Buddha is one thing,
sabotaging royalties quite another.

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