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Commentary
Secret Plan Outlines the Unthinkable
 A secret policy review of the nation’s nuclear policy puts forth 
chilling new contingencies for nuclear war.

  
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By WILLIAM M. ARKIN



WASHINGTON -- The Bush administration, in a secret policy review 
completed early this year, has ordered the Pentagon to draft contingency 
plans for the use of nuclear weapons against at least seven countries, 
naming not only Russia and the "axis of evil"--Iraq, Iran, and North 
Korea--but also China, Libya and Syria.

In addition, the U.S. Defense Department has been told to prepare for 
the possibility that nuclear weapons may be required in some future 
Arab-Israeli crisis. And, it is to develop plans for using nuclear 
weapons to retaliate against chemical or biological attacks, as well as 
"surprising military developments" of an unspecified nature.

These and a host of other directives, including calls for developing 
bunker-busting mini-nukes and nuclear weapons that reduce collateral 
damage, are contained in a still-classified document called the Nuclear 
Posture Review (NPR), which was delivered to Congress on Jan. 8.

Like all such documents since the dawning of the Atomic Age more than a 
half-century ago, this NPR offers a chilling glimpse into the world of 
nuclear-war planners: With a Strangelovian genius, they cover every 
conceivable circumstance in which a president might wish to use nuclear 
weapons--planning in great detail for a war they hope never to wage.

In this top-secret domain, there has always been an inconsistency 
between America's diplomatic objectives of reducing nuclear arsenals and 
preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, on the one 
hand, and the military imperative to prepare for the unthinkable, on the 
other.

Nevertheless, the Bush administration plan reverses an almost 
two-decade-long trend of relegating nuclear weapons to the category of 
weapons of last resort. It also redefines nuclear requirements in 
hurried post-Sept. 11 terms.

In these and other ways, the still-secret document offers insights into 
the evolving views of nuclear strategists in Secretary Donald H. 
Rumsfeld's Defense Department.

While downgrading the threat from Russia and publicly emphasizing their 
commitment to reducing the number of long-range nuclear weapons, Defense 
Department strategists promote tactical and so-called "adaptive" nuclear 
capabilities to deal with contingencies where large nuclear arsenals are 
not demanded.

They seek a host of new weapons and support systems, including 
conventional military and cyber warfare capabilities integrated with 
nuclear warfare. The end product is a now-familiar post-Afghanistan 
model--with nuclear capability added. It combines precision weapons, 
long-range strikes, and special and covert operations.

But the NPR's call for development of new nuclear weapons that reduce 
"collateral damage" myopically ignores the political, moral and military 
implications--short-term and long--of crossing the nuclear threshold.

Under what circumstances might nuclear weapons be used under the new 
posture? The NPR says they "could be employed against targets able to 
withstand nonnuclear attack," or in retaliation for the use of nuclear, 
biological, or chemical weapons, or "in the event of surprising military 
developments."

Planning nuclear-strike capabilities, it says, involves the recognition 
of "immediate, potential or unexpected" contingencies. North Korea, 
Iraq, Iran, Syria and Libya are named as "countries that could be 
involved" in all three kinds of threat. "All have long-standing 
hostility towards the United States and its security partners. All 
sponsor or harbor terrorists, and have active WMD [weapons of mass 
destruction] and missile programs."

China, because of its nuclear forces and "developing strategic 
objectives," is listed as "a country that could be involved in an 
immediate or potential contingency." Specifically, the NPR lists a 
military confrontation over the status of Taiwan as one of the scenarios 
that could lead Washington to use nuclear weapons.

Other listed scenarios for nuclear conflict are a North Korean attack on 
South Korea and an Iraqi assault on Israel or its neighbors.

The second important insight the NPR offers into Pentagon thinking about 
nuclear policy is the extent to which the Bush administration's 
strategic planners were shaken by last September's terrorist attacks on 
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Though Congress directed the 
new administration "to conduct a comprehensive review of U.S. nuclear 
forces" before the events of Sept. 11, the final study is striking for 
its single-minded reaction to those tragedies.

Heretofore, nuclear strategy tended to exist as something apart from the 
ordinary challenges of foreign policy and military affairs. Nuclear 
weapons were not just the option of last resort, they were the option 
reserved for times when national survival hung in the balance--a 
doomsday confrontation with the Soviet Union, for instance.

Now, nuclear strategy seems to be viewed through the prism of Sept. 11. 
For one thing, the Bush administration's faith in old-fashioned 
deterrence is gone. It no longer takes a superpower to pose a dire 
threat to Americans.

"The terrorists who struck us on Sept. 11th were clearly not deterred by 
doing so from the massive U.S. nuclear arsenal," Rumsfeld told an 
audience at the National Defense University in late January.

Similarly, U.S. Undersecretary of State John R. Bolton said in a recent 
interview, "We would do whatever is necessary to defend America's 
innocent civilian population .... The idea that fine theories of 
deterrence work against everybody ... has just been disproven by Sept. 
11."

Moreover, while insisting they would go nuclear only if other options 
seemed inadequate, officials are looking for nuclear weapons that could 
play a role in the kinds of challenges the United States faces with Al 
Qaeda.

Accordingly, the NPR calls for new emphasis on developing such things as 
nuclear bunker-busters and surgical "warheads that reduce collateral 
damage," as well as weapons that could be used against smaller, more 
circumscribed targets--"possible modifications to existing weapons to 
provide additional yield flexibility," in the jargon-rich language of 
the review.

It also proposes to train U.S. Special Forces operators to play the same 
intelligence gathering and targeting roles for nuclear weapons that they 
now play for conventional weapons strikes in Afghanistan. And 
cyber-warfare and other nonnuclear military capabilities would be 
integrated into nuclear-strike forces to make them more 
all-encompassing.

As for Russia, once the primary reason for having a U.S. nuclear 
strategy, the review says that while Moscow's nuclear programs remain 
cause for concern, "ideological sources of conflict" have been 
eliminated, rendering a nuclear contingency involving Russia "plausible" 
but "not expected."

"In the event that U.S. relations with Russia significantly worsen in 
the future," the review says, "the U.S. may need to revise its nuclear 
force levels and posture."

When completion of the NPR was publicly announced in January, Pentagon 
briefers deflected questions about most of the specifics, saying the 
information was classified. Officials did stress that, consistent with a 
Bush campaign pledge, the plan called for reducing the current 6,000 
long-range nuclear weapons to one-third that number over the next 
decade. Rumsfeld, who approved the review late last year, said the 
administration was seeking "a new approach to strategic deterrence," to 
include missile defenses and improvements in nonnuclear capabilities.

Also, Russia would no longer be officially defined as "an enemy."

Beyond that, almost no details were revealed.

The classified text, however, is shot through with a worldview 
transformed by Sept. 11. The NPR coins the phrase "New Triad," which it 
describes as comprising the "offensive strike leg," (our nuclear and 
conventional forces) plus "active and passive defenses,"(our 
anti-missile systems and other defenses) and "a responsive defense 
infrastructure" (our ability to develop and produce nuclear weapons and 
resume nuclear testing). Previously, the nuclear "triad" was the 
bombers, long-range land-based missiles and submarine-launched missiles 
that formed the three legs of America's strategic arsenal.

The review emphasizes the integration of "new nonnuclear strategic 
capabilities" into nuclear-war plans. "New capabilities must be 
developed to defeat emerging threats such as hard and deeply-buried 
targets (HDBT), to find and attack mobile and re-locatable targets, to 
defeat chemical and biological agents, and to improve accuracy and limit 
collateral damage," the review says.

It calls for "a new strike system" using four converted Trident 
submarines, an unmanned combat air vehicle and a new air-launched cruise 
missile as potential new weapons.

Beyond new nuclear weapons, the review proposes establishing what it 
calls an "agent defeat" program, which defense officials say includes a 
"boutique" approach to finding new ways of destroying deadly chemical or 
biological warfare agents, as well as penetrating enemy facilities that 
are otherwise difficult to attack. This includes, according to the 
document, "thermal, chemical or radiological neutralization of 
chemical/biological materials in production or storage facilities."

Bush administration officials stress that the development and 
integration of nonnuclear capabilities into the nuclear force is what 
permits reductions in traditional long-range weaponry. But the blueprint 
laid down in the review would expand the breadth and flexibility of U.S. 
nuclear capabilities.

In addition to the new weapons systems, the review calls for 
incorporation of "nuclear capability" into many of the conventional 
systems now under development. An extended-range conventional cruise 
missile in the works for the U.S. Air Force "would have to be modified 
to carry nuclear warheads if necessary." Similarly, the F-35 Joint 
Strike Fighter should be modified to carry nuclear weapons "at an 
affordable price."

The review calls for research to begin next month on fitting an existing 
nuclear warhead into a new 5,000-pound "earth penetrating" munition.

Given the advances in electronics and information technologies in the 
past decade, it is not surprising that the NPR also stresses improved 
satellites and intelligence, communications, and more robust 
high-bandwidth decision-making systems.

Particularly noticeable is the directive to improve U.S. capabilities in 
the field of "information operations," or cyber-warfare. The 
intelligence community "lacks adequate data on most adversary computer 
local area networks and other command and control systems," the review 
observes. It calls for improvements in the ability to "exploit" enemy 
computer networks, and the integration of cyber-warfare into the overall 
nuclear war database "to enable more effective targeting, weaponeering, 
and combat assessment essential to the New Triad."

In recent months, when Bush administration officials talked about the 
implications of Sept. 11 for long-term military policy, they have often 
focused on "homeland defense" and the need for an anti-missile shield. 
In truth, what has evolved since last year's terror attacks is an 
integrated, significantly expanded planning doctrine for nuclear wars.
_ _ _


William M. Arkin is a senior fellow at the Johns Hopkins University 
School of Advanced International Studies in Washington and an adjunct 
professor at the U.S. Air Force School of Advanced Airpower Studies. He 
is also a consultant to a number of nongovernmental organizations and a 
regular contributor to the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. Officials 
are looking for nuclear weapons that could help against a foe like Al 
Qaeda. 

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