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The Nation (Pakistan)
March 14, 2002

Iraq: the next US target

Aziz-ud-Din Ahmad
Vice President Dick Cheney's tour of eleven European
and Middle Eastern countries is aimed at evolving a
consensus on extending America's war against terrorism
to Iraq. This time the task to create an alliance is
not going to be as easy as it was in 1991. Many Arab
governments had supported the attack on Iraq while the
opinion in the Arab world was divided.
Again, it was much easier to evolve a world wide
consensus against the Taliban. The regime had
harboured terrorists from numerous countries and had
allowed them to use Afghan territory as a spring board
to destabilize the whole of Central Asia and to aid
and abet secessionist movements in China and Russia.
The United Nations had refused to recognize the regime
and the Security Council had unanimously imposed
sanctions on it.
There is no convincing charge against Iraq this time
to justify aggression. The country is, in fact, seen
to have been a victim of sanctions which have caused
the deaths of thousands of children besides inflicting
innumerable sufferings on the innocent population.
Further, there is no proof to link Iraq with the
Al-Qaeda or establish that it is arming any terrorist
group. Many people in the world may be critical of
Saddam's repressive policies, as they are of those
pursued by the Algerian or Egyptian leaderships but it
is for the people of these countries and not for
foreign powers to remove their rulers.
Voices of dissent have begun to be raised against the
proposed extension of war to Iraq. Two of the
countries which Dick Cheney is about to visit have
already expressed concern over American intentions.
Jordan's King Abdullah has rejected the use of force.
As he put it on Sunday, "Striking Iraq would be a
catastrophe for that country and the region in general
and would threaten the latter's security and
stability". Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit has
called the threat of attack "a nightmare for Turkey"
and said it would have serious consequences for
economy. He promised to take up Ankara's concerns with
Dick Cheney. The Arab League and the OIC have already
opposed the move.
Except for Tony Blair, no other European leader has
supported the idea of extending the war against
terrorism. In Britain itself the Prime Minister will
have to bend himself backward to take the cabinet and
the electorate with him as they are sharply divided
over the issue. The European countries are
increasingly demanding change-over to non-violent
methods to deal with terrorism. Similarly, both China
and Russia are opposed to take the war to other
countries and demand that the UN should be made to
play central role in whatever action needed to be
taken against a country accused of supporting
terrorism. Saddam Hussain has disallowed international
inspectors to operate in Iraq. There is therefore
little hope of the UN supporting the US move.
There are bound to be wide repercussions in the Third
World in general and the Muslim countries in
particular in case America was to invade Iraq. This
could destabilize moderate regimes which are seen to
be cooperating with the US. The impact would be the
gravest in the Middle East but other Muslim countries
too would be affected.
Would all this deter Bush from going ahead with his
plans? The Pentagon is convinced that with its
state-of-the-art weapons systems and precision
ammunition it needs no military support from NATO
allies. Have the American forces not won the Afghan
war single-handedly and with insignificant casualties?
Has the Pentagon not disproved the predictions of
Russian and British Afghan experts wrong? The Bush
administration has no patience with voices of dissent
rising from Europe, dismissed by Rumsfeld as "isolated
pockets of international hyperventilation."
President Bush may not wait for the Security Council
to pass a resolution to authorize the attack. He is a
unilateralist par excellence who has so far cared
little for the UN. To him the US is no mere
international citizen but a dominant power which is in
a position to reshape the world according to its needs
without meeting serious challenge from any quarter.
The opposition from China and Russia may not matter
much either. Washington knows that while these
countries might protest, being highly pragmatic they
would not stick out their neck in support of abstract
principles like non-interference in other countries
affairs.
The arrogance of power may thus lead the Bush
administration to launch strikes against Baghdad. The
price of victory however may be much higher this time.
US forces will not be fighting a ragtag military force
armed with little more than empty slogans. Pentagon
would prefer to eliminate Saddam Hussain and his
loyalists within a short period. If the experience in
Afghanistan is any guide, the task may take much
longer than he might desire. The longer the American
forces fight the war, the greater will be the scale of
civilian casualties. This would generate a world wide
sentiment against America. In the Muslim world the
action would be interpreted as a new crusade against
Islam.
China and Russia will keep silent till militants in
Afghanistan and within their own geographical
boundaries have been eliminated. They have however
reasons to worry about the Bush administration's
intentions. Since September 11, the US has
considerably expanded its military presence abroad.
Currently 50,000 servicemen are supposed to man a
network of bases stretching from Middle East across
the whole length of Asia, from the Red Sea to the
Pacific. Some of the countries providing bases share
boundaries with China and Russia.
The worries are bound to increase with the leak of the
secret nuclear policy review prepared by the Bush
administration that discusses a contingency plan for
the use of nuclear weapons against China and Russia
along with five other countries. Both China and Russia
have expressed shock over the US intentions and have
sought explanation. Any prolongation of war and
increasing civilian casualties will provide the two
countries opportunity to rally other states against
America's aggressive designs. What remains to be seen
is whether the imminent attack on Iraq would give
birth to the resolve to effectively oppose the
American role as a self-appointed world policeman.


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