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The new empire loyalists
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Former leftists turned US military cheerleaders are helping snuff out its
traditions of dissent

Tariq Ali
Saturday March 16, 2002
The Guardian

Exactly one year before the hijackers hit the Pentagon, Chalmers Johnson, a
distinguished American academic, staunch supporter of the US during the wars
in Korea and Vietnam, and one-time senior analyst for the CIA, tried to
alert his fellow-citizens to the dangers that lay ahead. He offered a
trenchant critique of his country's post-cold war imperial policies:
"Blowback," he prophesied, "is shorthand for saying that a nation reaps what
it sows, even if it does not fully know or understand what it has sown.
"Given its wealth and power, the United States will be a prime recipient in
the foreseeable future of all of the more expectable forms of blowback,
particularly terrorist attacks against Americans in and out of the armed
forces anywhere on earth, including within the United States."

But whereas Johnson drew on his past, as a senior state-intellectual within
the heart of the American establishment, to warn us of the dangers inherent
in the imperial pursuit of economic and military domination, former critics
of imperialism found themselves trapped by the debris of September 11. Many
have now become its most vociferous loyalists. I am not, in this instance,
referring to the belligerati - Salman Rushdie, Martin Amis and friends -
ever-present in the liberal press on both sides of the Atlantic. They might
well shift again. Rushdie's decision to pose for the cover of a French
magazine draped in the stars and stripes could be a temporary aberration.
His new-found love for the empire might even turn out to be as short-lived
as his conversion to Islam.

What concerns me more is another group: men and women who were once
intensely involved in leftwing activities. It has been a short march for
some of them: from the outer fringes of radical politics to the antechambers
of the state department. Like many converts, they display an aggressive
self-confidence. Having honed their polemical and ideological skills within
the left, they now deploy them against their old friends. This is why they
have become the useful idiots of the empire. They will be used and dumped. A
few, no doubt, hope to travel further and occupy the space vacated by
Chalmers Johnson, but they should be warned: there is already a very long
queue.

Others still dream of becoming the Somali, Pakistani, Iraqi or Iranian
equivalents of the Afghan puppet, Hamid Karzai. They, too, might be
disappointed. Only tried and tested agents can be put in power. Most
one-time Marxists or Maoists do not yet pass muster. To do so they have to
rewrite their entire past and admit they were wrong in ever backing the old
enemies of the empire - in Cuba, Vietnam, Angola, Afghanistan or the Arab
East. They have, in other words, to pass the David Horowitz test. Horowitz,
the son of communists and biographer of the late Isaac Deutscher, underwent
the most amazing self-cleansing in post-1970s America. Today he is a leading
polemicist of the right, constantly denouncing liberals as a bridge to the
more sinister figures of the left.

Compared to him, former Trotskyists Christopher Hitchens and Kanaan Makiya
must still appear as marginal and slightly frivolous figures. They would
certainly fail the Horowitz test, but if the stakes are raised and Baghdad
is bombed yet again, this time as a prelude to a land invasion, how will our
musketeers react? Makiya, recently outed in this paper as "Iraq's most
eminent dissident thinker", declared that: "September 11 set a whole new
standard... if you're in the terrorism business you're going to start
thinking big, and you're going to need allies. And if you need allies in the
terrorism business, you're going to ask Iraq."

Makiya's capacity to spin extraordinary spirals of assertion, one above
another, based on no empirical facts and without any sense of proportion,
becomes - through sheer giddiness of fantastical levitation - completely abs
urd. Not a single US intelligence agency has managed to prove any Iraqi link
with September 11. For that reason, in order to justify a war, they have
moved on to other issues, such as possession of "dangerous weapons". Not
even Saddam's old foes in the Arab world believe this nonsense.

Hitchens reacted more thoughtfully at first to the New York and Washington
attacks. He insisted that the "analytical moment" had to be "indefinitely
postponed", but none the less linked the hits to past policies of the US and
criticised George Bush for confusing an act of terrorism with an act of war.
He soon moved on to denounce those who made similar, but much sharper
criticisms, and began to talk of the supposed "fascist sympathies of the
soft left" - Noam Chomsky, Harold Pinter, Gore Vidal, Susan Sontag, Edward
Said et al. In recent television appearances he has sounded more like a
saloon-bar bore than the fine, critical mind which blew away the haloes
surrounding Henry Kissinger, Bill Clinton and Mother Teresa.

What unites the new empire loyalists is an underlying belief that, despite
certain flaws, the military and economic power of the US represents the only
emancipatory project and, for that reason, has to be supported against all
those who challenge its power. A few prefer Clinton-as-Caesar rather than
Bush, but recognise this as a self-indulgence. Deep down they know the
empire stands above its leaders.

What they forget is that empires always act in their own self-interests. The
British empire cleverly exploited the anti-slavery campaigns to colonise
Africa, just as Washington uses the humanitarian handwringing of NGOs and
the bien pensants to fight its new wars today. September 11 has been used by
the American empire to re-map the world. European continental pieties are
beginning to irritate Cheney and Rumsfeld. They laugh in Washington when
they hear European politicians talk of revitalising the UN. There are 189
member states of the UN. In 100 of these states there is a US military
presence. For UN, read US?

Neo-liberal economics, imposed by the IMF mullahs, has reduced countries in
every continent to penury and brought their populations to the edge of
despair. The social democracy that appeared an attractive option during the
cold war no longer exists. The powerlessness of democratic parliaments and
the politicians who inhabit them to change anything has discredited
democracy. Crony capitalism can survive without it.

At a time when much of the world is beginning to tire of being "emancipated"
by the US, many liberals have been numbed into silence. One of the most
attractive aspects of the US has always been the layers of dissent that have
flourished beneath the surface. The generals in the Pentagon suffered a far
greater blow than September 11 in the 1970s, when tens of thousands of
serving and former GIs demonstrated in front of it in their uniforms and
medals and declared their hope that the Vietnamese would win. The new empire
loyalists, currently helping to snuff out this tradition, are creating the
conditions for more blowbacks.

� Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire by Chalmers
Johnson (LittleBrown). Tariq Ali's book, The Clash of Fundamentalisms, is
published by Verso in April and his Unholy Warriors is broadcast by BBC4
tomorrow at 11.30pm

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