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>                                                Monday, April 15, 2002
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>           Published on Sunday, April 14, 2002 in the Los Angeles Times
>
>           Iraq War: The Coming Disaster
>
>               by Immanuel Wallerstein
>
>           NEW HAVEN -- George W. Bush is a geopolitical incompetent. He
> has
>           allowed a clique of hawks to induce him to take a position on
> invading Iraq
>           from which he cannot extract himself, one which will have
> nothing but
>           negative consequences for the United States--and the rest of
> the world. He
>           will find himself badly hurt politically, perhaps fatally. And
> he will rapidly
>           diminish the already declining power of the United States in
> the world. A
>           war against Iraq will destroy many lives immediately, both
> Iraqi and
>           American, because it seems clear that high-altitude,
> surgical-strike air
>           attacks will not suffice in military terms. Invading Iraq will
> lead to a degree
>           of turmoil in the Arab-Islamic world hitherto unimagined.
> Other Arab
>           leaders don't like Saddam Hussein one bit, but their
> populations won't
>           stand for what they will inevitably feel is an unprovoked
> attack on an Arab
>           state, leaving leaders with little choice but to be swept
> along in the turmoil
>           or drown. And an attack on Iraq might ultimately spark the use
> of nuclear
>           weapons, which, if unleashed now, will be hard to again make
> illegitimate.
>           Iraq may not have such weapons yet, but we can't be sure. Even
> if it
>           doesn't, might it not attack Israel with conventional missiles
> that would
>           prompt Israel to respond with the nuclear weapons we know it
> has? For that
>           matter, are we really sure that, if the fighting gets tough,
> the U.S. is not
>           ready to use tactical nuclear weapons?
>
>           How have we gotten into such a disastrous cul-de-sac?
>
>           It seems probable that U.S. military action against Iraq is
> now not a
>           question of whether but of when. The U.S. government insists
> action is
>           necessary because Iraq has been defying United Nations
> resolutions and
>           represents an imminent danger to the world in general, and to
> the U.S. in
>           particular. This explanation of the expected military action
> is so thin that it
>           cannot be taken seriously. Defying U.N. resolutions or other
> international
>           enjoinders has been commonplace for the last 50 years. I need
> hardly
>           remind anyone that the U.S. refused to defer to a 1986 World
> Court
>           decision condemning U.S. actions in Nicaragua. And President
> Bush has
>           made it amply clear that he will not honor any treaty should
> he think it
>           dangerous to U.S. interests. Israel has, of course, been
> defying U.N.
>           resolutions for more than 30 years, and is doing so again as I
> write this
>           commentary. And the record of other U.N. members is not much
> better. So
>           Hussein has been defying quite explicit U.N. resolutions. What
> else is
>           new?
>
>           Is Hussein an imminent threat to anyone? In August 1990, Iraq
> invaded
>           Kuwait. That action, at least, did pose an imminent threat.
> The U.S.
>           response was the Persian Gulf War, in which we pushed the
> Iraqis out of
>           Kuwait and then decided to stop there--for good military and
> political
>           reasons. But that left Hussein in power.
>
>           The U.N. passed various resolutions requiring Iraq to abandon
> nuclear,
>           chemical and bacteriological weapons and mandated inspection
> teams to
>           verify that it had done so. The U.N. also put in place a
> variety of
>           embargoes against Iraq. As we know, over the decade since
> then, the
>           system of constraints on Iraq put in place by these U.N.
> resolutions has
>           weakened considerably, but not totally by any means.
>
>           Several weeks ago, Iraq and Kuwait signed an agreement in
> which Iraq
>           agreed to respect the sovereignty of Kuwait. The foreign
> minister of
>           Kuwait, Sheik Sabah al Ahmed al Jabbar al Sabah said his
> country is now
>           "100% satisfied," adding that he had written the agreement
> himself. A
>           spokesperson for the United States nonetheless exhibited
> skepticism. The
>           U.S. is not about to be deterred simply because Kuwait is
> "satisfied." What
>           is Kuwait, that it should participate in such a decision?
>
>           U.S. hawks believe that only the use of force--very
> significant force--will
>           restore our unquestioned hegemony in the world. It is no doubt
> true that
>           the use of overwhelming force can establish hegemony, as
> happened with
>           the United States in 1945. But U.S. hegemony is not what it
> once was. The
>           country's economic superiority in the world between 1945 and
> 1965 has
>           been replaced with a situation in which the U.S. economic
> position is not
>           significantly better than that of the European Union or Japan.
> This relative
>           economic decline has cost the U.S. the unquestioned political
> deference of
>           its close allies. All that is left is military superiority.
> And, as Machiavelli
>           taught us all centuries ago, force is not enough: If that's
> all you have, then
>           its use is a sign of weakness rather than of strength and
> weakens the user.
>
>           It is clear that, at this point, almost no one supports a U.S.
> invasion of Iraq:
>           not a single Arab state, not Turkey or Iran or Pakistan, not
> Russia or the
>           great bulk of Europe. There are, to be sure, two notable
> exceptions: Israel,
>           which is cheering Bush on, and Great Britain--or rather its
> prime minister,
>           Tony Blair, who declared last weekend in Texas that "doing
> nothing ... is
>           not an option" with regard to Iraq. Yet an article in The
> Observer last
>           month reported that "Britain's military leaders issued a stark
> warning to
>           Tony Blair last night that any war against Iraq is doomed to
> fail and would
>           lead to the loss of lives for little political gain."
>
>           I cannot believe that U.S. military leaders have drawn a
> different
>           conclusion, although they may be more wary of stating that
> unpleasant
>           truth to President Bush. Kenneth M. Pollack, formerly of the
> CIA and the
>           Iraq specialist on Clinton's National Security Council, says
> military action
>           in Iraq would require sending in 200,000 to 300,000 U.S.
> troops,
>           presumably from bases in either Saudi Arabia or Kuwait, as
> well as
>           additional troops to defend the Kurds in northern Iraq.
>
>           The U.S. seems to be counting on intimidating its allies into
> going along.
>           But after Israel's occupation of West Bank cities, the remote
> hope that
>           Saudi (or even Kuwaiti) bases would be made available to U.S.
> troops has
>           almost surely disappeared. Turkey clearly has no interest in
> defending Iraqi
>           Kurds, since such action would certainly strengthen the
> Kurdish movement
>           in Turkey, against which the Turkish government fights with
> all its energy.
>           As for Israel, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon--with Bush's strong
>
>           support--is in the process of destroying as rapidly as
> possible the
>           Palestinian Authority, which certainly won't help Bush build
> his anti-Iraq
>           coalition.
>
>           Still, there will be an invasion, which will be difficult if
> not impossible to
>           win. The action could well become another Vietnam. Just as in
> Vietnam,
>           the war will drag on and will cost many U.S. lives. And the
> political effects
>           will be so negative for the U.S. that eventually Bush (or his
> successor) will
>           pull out. A renewed and amplified Vietnam syndrome will be the
> result at
>           home.
>
>           Can no one in the Bush administration see this? A few, no
> doubt, but they
>           are being ignored, because Bush is in a self-imposed dilemma.
> If he goes
>           ahead with the Iraq invasion, he risks bringing himself down,
> like Lyndon
>           Johnson. And a U.S. failure would finally give the Europeans
> the courage
>           to be European and not Atlantic. But those negative
> consequences to Bush
>           would be in the future, whereas the negatives of not invading
> are
>           immediate.
>
>           Bush promised the U.S. people a "war on terrorism" that "we
> will certainly
>           win." So far, all he's produced is the downfall of the weak
> and
>           impoverished Taliban. He hasn't captured Bin Laden. Pakistan
> is shaky.
>           Saudi Arabia is pulling away. If he doesn't invade Iraq, he
> will look foolish
>           where it matters to him most--in the eyes of American voters.
> And he is
>           being told this, in no uncertain terms, by his advisors on
> internal U.S.
>           politics. Bush's incredibly high approval ratings reflect his
> being a "war
>           president." The minute he becomes a peace-time president, he
> will be in
>           grave trouble--all the more so because of failed wartime
> promises.
>
>           So, Bush has no choice. He will invade Iraq. He has made clear
> that the
>           current Middle East crisis will not deter him from this. Quite
> the opposite.
>           Sending Secretary of State Colin Powell to the region is a way
> of trying to
>           ensure the operation. And we shall all live with the
> consequences.
>
>           Immanuel Wallerstein is senior research scholar at Yale
> University and the
>           author of "The End of the World as We Know It."
>
>                      Copyright 2002 Los Angeles Times
>
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