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http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,685125,00.html

Cheering on democracy's overthrow 
The putsch against Venezuela's elected leader failed -
this time

Isabel Hilton
Tuesday April 16, 2002
The Guardian

The Foreign Office minister Denis MacShane was not the
only one caught out by Hugo Chavez's return to power
in Venezuela on Sunday, but he was certainly one of
the most embarrassed. Mr MacShane committed the
undiplomatic error of describing Chavez as a "ranting
demagogue". Of course, when he let slip those
unfortunate comments, Mr MacShane thought that Hugo
Chavez was a leftwing ex-president of a country with
important mineral reserves in which the US takes a
strong interest. 

Unfortunately for Mr MacShane, the ranting demagogue
in question was restored to his job by a combination
of people power and constitutionally minded army
officers. Odd, though, that Friday's coup, a procedure
not normally considered an aid to democratic practice,
did not attract the condemnation it deserved. Chavez,
after all, has twice been elected president by the
largest margins in Venezuela's history. 

In Washington, where the administration blamed Chavez
himself for the coup that briefly removed him from
office, the reaction to his restoration was even
stranger. Far from welcoming the triumph of democracy,
the US administration reprimanded Chavez - expressing
the menacing hope that he would be more careful in
future, presumably in case he overthrew himself again.


Given that the protection of democracy has so often
been invoked in the past as an excuse for US military
intervention in the third world, surely Washington
should have been rebuking Pedro Carmona Estanga, the
businessman in charge of the coup - or even preparing
a military expedition to restore President Chavez to
power. 

The attempt to overthrow Chavez did not really come as
a surprise. The only question was what took them so
long. Nearly a year ago, a visiting Venezuelan, now
living in the US, confidently informed me that a coup
was in preparation, with the full support of senior
figures in Washington. Chavez had been elected on a
promise of radical social reform in a direct challenge
to Venezuela's oligarchy. It was unlikely that they
would let it pass. 

As for the US interest, it hardly needs rehearsing.
Every Latin American reformer, from Guatemala's Jacobo
Arbenz to Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega, has been
perceived in Washington as a threat to US interests.
When the reformer has control of the world's fourth
largest oil production and makes a point of
cultivating the friendship of Fidel Castro and
visiting Saddam Hussein, he almost writes the script
on Washington's behalf. 

The coup-maker's handbook maps out the standard
procedure: organise the discontent that reform has
aroused, reduce the place to chaos and provoke some
violent clashes. At that point the forces of reason
can intervene to restore order and proclaim new
elections - which will not be held until the capacity
of the defeated forces to fight them has been
destroyed. 

So what went wrong this time? Perhaps it is a little
more difficult, in the absence of the "communist
menace", to portray such a coup as a blow for
democracy. In Venezuela's case, this was even more
tricky since the two traditional oligarchic political
parties that shared the country's power for nearly 50
years are completely discredited. 

The oligarchy has been forced back on substitute
organisations - the Catholic Church, the main business
organisation Fedecamaras and some trade unions - to
challenge the elected government. In their brief
moment of triumph, though, the depth of the
coup-mongers' anti-democratic agenda became clear.
They suspended congress, took control of the supreme
court and were holding Chavez a prisoner. 

Far from being perceived as an enemy of democracy,
Chavez has emerged as a popular hero. He is supported
not only by the poor - the 80% of Venezuelans who had
seen little benefit from their country's riches until
Chavez launched a large-scale public works and welfare
programme - but also by most of the armed forces in a
country where the army has long been a force for
constitutional government. 

Whatever Chavez's failings, the radical realignment of
Venezuelan politics that he represents remains
legitimate in the eyes of most Venezuelans. There is
opposition, of course, but it is up to the opposition
to fight that battle constitutionally. It is only
those who lack democratic support who fall back on the
tired formula of overthrowing democracy in the name of
democracy. 

Chavez returned to power at the weekend in an
apparently magnanimous state. For the sake of
Venezuela, he should try to maintain that magnanimity.
But given the weekend's events, it is not Chavez who
needs lectures on how to behave. No doubt he has his
demagogic moments, but it would be perverse to call
him paranoid. They were out to get him; they still
are. Where will Mr MacShane line up on the next
attempt? 


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