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[King Simeon II, Saxe-Coburg Gotha, partner of
Romania's King Michael, also placed on the throne by
the Nazis in the 1940s, and who has also recently
returned to the homeland whence he was expelled for
his World War II fascist collaboration.
Both King Simeon and King Michael have for years made
NATO membership for their own countries and NATO
expansion in general their very raison d'etre.
We're supposed to believe that the monarchs'
dedication to NATO's world expansion - both Bulgaria
and Romania presently have military forces in
Afghanistan - is actuated solely by their commitment
to the 'democratic values and virtues enshrined in the
Atlantic Charter.'
Just ask Tony Blair, Lord Robertson, Javier Solana,
Joschka Fischer, Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright,
Lionel Jospin and Robin Cook - the bombers of
Belgrade.]
 




Interview: Simeon Saxe-Coburg Gotha 
By Martin Hutchinson
UPI Business and Economics Editor
>From the  Business & Economics Desk
Published 4/25/2002 9:46 AM
WASHINGTON, April 24 (UPI) -- It is not simply
journalistic curiosity. It is impossible to interview
Simeon Saxe-Coburg Gotha, prime minister of Bulgaria,
without remembering that he was crowned, and to
legitimists remains, H.M. Simeon II, czar of all the
Bulgars -- and wondering whether one day he will again
resume the latter status.
Born in 1937, Simeon ascended the throne in 1943, on
the unexplained death of his father Czar Boris in an
air crash. After his coronation in Sofia, the country
underwent a Communist coup on Sept. 9, 1944, and his
uncle and guardian the Regent Prince Kyril was
executed. Two years later, the Moscow-controlled
Communist government held a referendum, in which
allegedly 94 percent voted for Simeon's deposition. He
left Bulgaria, moved to Spain in 1951, graduated from
the Lycee Francaise, and spent a year (1958-59) in the
United States, at the Valley Forge Military Academy.
To legitimists, the fall of the Bulgarian Communists
in 1991 seemed to offer the promise of Simeon's
return. Though the record of the Bulgarian monarchy
had been good, and Simeon, as a crowned monarch who
had been illegitimately deposed, has one of the better
exiled-monarch claims to return, no referendum was
held.
Instead, in April 2001, Simeon announced his intention
to run for Bulgaria's parliamentary elections, formed
the National Simeon II Movement, and on June 17, 2001,
won a handsome parliamentary majority.
Simeon visited Washington this week, in connection
both with the IMF-World Bank meetings and Bulgaria's
application to join NATO, and Tuesday hosted a small
media breakfast which I attended.
"On NATO, Bulgaria's way ahead is fairly clear," said
Simeon. "My message to President Bush is a pragmatic
and realistic one, bearing in mind the relative sizes
of the countries concerned. Bulgaria has no conflict
with her neighbors, and has acted as a good ally of
the United States since Sept. 11.
"Illegal immigration of Muslims is not a problem --
Bulgaria isn't rich enough -- and ethnic tensions are
defused by the Muslim minorities in Bulgaria coming
from three groups, ethnic Turks, ethnic Bulgarians and
Roma, all of which live in different parts of the
country. The Turkish party is now a member of Simeon's
governing coalition."
"Greece and Turkey are both backing Bulgaria's
application to join NATO, because they recognize they
will be less isolated if Bulgaria and its neighbor
Romania are members. At the same time, NATO itself is
evolving, from an alliance against Russia to a vast
mutual security perimeter of which Russia itself may
well become a member -- President (Vladimir) Putin,
for example has been invited by Italian Prime Minister
(Silvio) Berlusconi to attend a NATO meeting in Rome
next week. NATO itself has very strong support within
Bulgaria -- 67-68 percent if opinion polls are to be
believed. My main concern is that a rejection of
Bulgaria's application at September's Prague summit
may cause an upsurge in anti-Western feeling in
Bulgaria."
The victory of the leftist (though young and
apparently pragmatic) Georgy Purvanov in November
2001's Presidential election indicates that support
for the old eastward-looking alliances is by no means
dead.
Bulgaria's application to join the European Union is
also making good progress, according to Simeon, with
Bulgaria having completed 17 of the 29 chapters of
legislation required for EU entry -- the task is huge
as 80,000 pages of legislation must be translated into
Bulgarian. Simeon is a strong believer in European
integration, both for Bulgaria and more broadly for
Europe as a whole, although he recognizes that a
concentrated administration over a large population
without proper devolution of powers has the potential
to be a nightmare.
"In economic matters," said Simeon. "I recognize and
empathize strongly with the wish of the Bulgarian
people to be lifted out of poverty, and with the large
social needs of the population, particularly the
elderly. At the same time, increases in public
spending are hampered by Bulgaria's Currency Board,
which consists of foreign experts, and this year
permitted only a public sector deficit of only 0.8
percent of gross domestic product."
Bulgaria's Currency Board, and the formal linkage in
1997 of the lev to the deutschemark (and now the euro)
has worked well in stabilizing the economy, and Simeon
believes that an Argentina-style collapse of the
system is most unlikely, because of the presence of
the board itself, which imposes tight strictures on
Bulgarian fiscal and monetary policy, and whose
recommendations are followed with care by Simeon's
government.
Simeon continued, "The major economic task facing the
government is the completion as far as possible of
Bulgaria's privatization program. Much of this was
carried out by the previous Ivan Kostov government,
but it is clear that many Kostov privatizations lacked
transparency, and that some unethical approaches were
tried. The two largest privatizations still
uncompleted are Bulgartabak, the state tobacco
monopoly, and the telephone company. NATO entry would
be an important advantage for these privatizations and
for Bulgaria as a whole, because it would further
reassure foreign investors of Bulgaria's long-term
stability."
Simeon believes that the problem of foreign control of
the commanding heights of the Bulgarian economy will
greatly lessen as Bulgaria enters a united Europe,
since most foreign investors in Bulgaria will then no
longer be fully "foreign." At the same time, he
recognizes that in the future it may, for example, be
advantageous to have some of Bulgaria's banking
decisions made in Sofia, rather than in Milan, Munich
or Athens; in that case he would expect Bulgarian
bankers to form new institutions which met this need.
Simeon also recognizes that corruption has been a
serious problem in Bulgaria in the past; Having many
years experience in Western business he recognizes the
importance of running an administration that is as
uncorrupt as is humanly possible, and of passing laws
and administrative rulings that stamp out corruption,
large and small, in the Bulgarian government as a
whole.
Finally, when asked about the possible restoration of
the monarchy, Simeon responded: "It would be absurd
for me as prime minister to restore it by decree,
while plebiscites are not recognized by the current
Bulgarian constitution. If, as in most other East
European countries, the electorate followed the normal
pattern of tiring of a government after four years and
replacing it with the opposition, so be it. I will at
least, I hope, have achieved something significant for
Bulgaria. Indeed, such a change may be inevitable --
expectations in Bulgaria, as in many transition
economies, have been and still are unrealistically
high." 
"In the final analysis," he concluded "it is a matter
of great pride to me that I have not simply been czar
of Bulgaria, but have been prime minister, elected by
a substantial majority of the Bulgarian people. That,
at least, can never be taken away."

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