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Jane's Defence Weekly

Britain rethinks NATO's role: do the Americans need
it?

As far as media attention is concerned, the only
question facing the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
this year is how many new members, drawn from the
ranks of the former Warsaw Pact, are going to be
invited to join the Alliance. 

Scenarios range from one invited country (Slovenia) to
five (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Slovakia and
Slovenia) and even seven (all the above, plus Romania
and Bulgaria). Most Western governments are engaged in
either dismissing or encouraging one of these
scenarios. 

The received wisdom from Washington, the capital
which, as always, will have the final say over such
matters, is that at the NATO summit, which is
scheduled to take place in Prague this November, all
seven candidates will be admitted together. For the
Alliance, this seems like a good compromise: unlike
previous enlargements, there will be no disappointed
candidates this time. However, there is one NATO
member state that is unhappy about the entire debate:
the UK. 

The British are not against enlargement itself, yet
they are irritated that an Alliance which is facing a
critical test for its very survival seems more
preoccupied with counting its new members than putting
its own house in order. The British government has
thus put together an elaborate and ambitious plan for
the rejuvenation of the Alliance. 

Like many European countries, the British are alarmed
by the fact that the Americans do not trust the
Alliance's decision-making capacity. The reason for
this mistrust is Washington's experience during the
Kosovo war in 1999. The overwhelming majority of the
military assets deployed against Yugoslavia at that
time were American, as were the satellites that
identified targets for air strikes. 

However, the USA had to get the agreement of all other
18 member states before any operation, and often this
involved heated debates and compromises, sometimes
over single targets. The Europeans may be right to
claim that this debate was a necessary price to pay in
order to maintain Alliance solidarity; the Pentagon in
Washington, however, saw it as an unnecessary
encumbrance which should not be repeated. 

So, when NATO responded to the terrorist atrocities in
the USA last September by invoking the famed Article 5
in its founding treaty (which deems an attack against
one member state as an attack against them all), the
USA thanked the Alliance for its concern, but
proceeded to mount its own independent operation in
Afghanistan. The Europeans were duly involved in this
operation but as individual allies of the USA rather
than as part of the Alliance. 

In most European capitals this was seen as nothing but
another indication of the Bush administration's
alleged unilateralist sentiments, an inevitable trend
which has no immediate cure. Not so in London: the
British government is determined to rectify the
situation in order to make clear that NATO will again
become the centrepiece of American security
arrangements. The British are aware that the
institutional changes which they propose cannot be
made legally binding: the Treaty of Washington which
founded the Alliance more than half a century ago is a
document that cannot be easily amended. The British
strategy, therefore, is to introduce informal changes
designed to address American concerns at least in
practice if not in a formal legal sense. 

NATO operates on the principle of equality:
theoretically, Luxembourg can veto any Alliance
action. But the British point out that times have
changed. During the Cold War, NATO fully expected to
go into battle with all its members at the same time.
Today, the Alliance may mount various operations -
such as those in the Balkans - but none of them
critically affects the security of the entire
continent and few of them require the contribution of
all member states. The result is what NATO military
planners call 'Coalitions of the Willing' - ad hoc
arrangements in which a number of countries are
involved. 

The British proposal is that every member state should
have the freedom to decide whether or not to
contribute to individual operations - in return, if a
country does not contribute to the operation, it
cannot expect to have the same say over its conduct.
The result of the proposal would be that if the USA
provides a majority of troops to an operation it would
also call all the political shots - precisely what the
Americans have always demanded. 



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