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Lawmakers Endorse Israel's Offensive 
Votes Embrace Incursions as Self-Defense 

By Juliet Eilperin and Helen Dewar
Washington Post Staff Writers
Friday, May 3, 2002

-"Those suicide bombers striking innocent Israelis in
supermarkets, buses and public squares . . . are cut
from the same cloth of evil as the terrorists who
turned airplanes into weapons and struck the United
States on Sept. 11."

In a symbolic but strong expression of support for
Israel, the House and Senate yesterday endorsed its
military campaign to dismantle "the terrorist
infrastructure" in the occupied territories despite
earlier administration warnings that the vote could
interfere in Middle East peace efforts.

The two chambers approved slightly different
resolutions, with the House explicitly attacking
Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in contrast to the
Senate's more general condemnation of Palestinian
suicide bombings.

But both measures sent a clear signal that Congress
embraces Israel's incursions into the West Bank as an
act of self-defense. Alluding to U.S. reactions to the
Sept. 11 terrorist attacks in New York and the
Pentagon, the resolutions described Israel's policies
as "a common struggle against terrorism."

"Israel has been under siege from a systematic and
deliberate campaign of suicide-homicide attacks by
terrorists," said Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman (D-Conn.),
chief sponsor of the Senate resolution. "Those suicide
bombers striking innocent Israelis in supermarkets,
buses and public squares . . . are cut from the same
cloth of evil as the terrorists who turned airplanes
into weapons and struck the United States on Sept.
11."

The fact that Republicans as well as Democrats were
willing to ignore White House calls for restraint
shows the domestic political challenges Bush faces in
trying to broker a resolution to the Middle East
crisis. Pro-Israel sentiment runs so high in the House
that two of the top GOP leaders have indicated they
reject the peace process altogether.

The White House -- which had tried in vain to keep the
resolutions from coming to a vote this week --
suggested yesterday that the timing was better now
than it would have been before the standoff at
Arafat's Ramallah headquarters was resolved. But White
House spokesman Ari Fleischer also emphasized that the
resolutions are non-binding and require neither the
president's approval nor veto.

"Congress has a right to speak out," Fleischer said.
"Having said that, the president also knows that
Congress is cognizant of the fact that no foreign
policy can have 535 different secretaries of state."

Still, critics said the votes could disrupt a delicate
diplomatic situation in which U.S. officials are
trying to enlist Arab allies in efforts to restart
negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians.

"Yes, Israel is our ally," said Rep. Nick J. Rahall II
(D-W.Va.). "But, by golly, we need other allies in the
region as well. What about the moderate Arab allies
that want to help us, to whom we only cast further
embarrassment today by the passage of these one-sided
resolutions?"

Most lawmakers paid Rahall little heed. The Senate
resolution passed 94 to 2, while the House approved
its version 352 to 21, with 29 members voting present.

The House measure, authored by Majority Whip Tom DeLay
(R-Tex.) and Rep. Tom Lantos (D-Calif.), condemns the
Palestinian leadership for "ongoing support of terror"
and questions whether Arafat is "a viable partner for
peace." But in a concession to the White House, the
resolution now states that it "encourages the
international community to take action to alleviate
the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people."

Lieberman's measure adopted a milder tone, calling on
the Palestinian Authority to "dismantle the terrorist
infrastructure" in areas it controls. It also urges
Arab states to condemn all forms of terrorism and "act
in concert with the United States to stop the
violence" and seek a permanent peace in the Middle
East.

The House engaged in a spirited and occasionally
emotional debate throughout the afternoon, with most
lawmakers arguing it no longer made sense to remain
neutral in the Middle East conflict.

"We should not be balanced between those who target
civilians for death and those seeking to protect
themselves from terror," said Rep. Brad Sherman
(D-Calif.).

DeLay, who initially postponed offering his resolution
at the administration's request, voiced similar
skepticism.

"The United States cannot be a broker between one
party that wants peace and the other party that wants
terrorism," he said. "It cannot succeed."

In an interview Wednesday night on "Hardball With
Chris Matthews," Majority Leader Richard K. Armey
(R-Tex.) said he would be "content to have Israel grab
the entire West Bank," and suggested the Palestinians
should have their own state in one of the "many Arab
nations that have many hundreds of thousands of acres
of land."

But several House members said the United States
should preserve its neutrality. "Only we can bring
hope to this region," said Rep. Jay Inslee (D-Wash.).

In the Senate's more measured three-hour debate on its
resolution, sponsored jointly by Lieberman and Sen.
Gordon Smith (R-Ore.), a few members questioned
whether it went too far in embracing Israel's actions
-- or not far enough in criticizing Palestinian
leaders. But most embraced it without major
qualifications.

Sens. Ernest F. Hollings (D-S.C.) and Robert C. Byrd
(D-W.Va.), the only senators to vote against the
resolution, suggested it was not sufficiently
even-handed in criticizing violence.

Several Republicans disagreed with the administration,
pointedly but politely, over whether congressional
resolutions on the Middle East were appropriate.

Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) said the administration had
legitimate concerns about the possible impact on
diplomacy, but concluded that Congress had a right and
responsibility to speak out. He warned Arab countries
that "you may see a stronger resolution" from the
Senate if they do not condemn suicide bombings.





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