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http://www.dailystar.com.lb/25_06_02/art18.asp

The Daily Star {Lebanon)
June 25, 2002

Israel steps up military aid to India, consolidates
strategic relationship
New alliance may be a stepping stone to new Asian
links -� and not everyone is comfortable with it 

Ed Blanche
Special to The Daily Star 

-They agreed to intensify cooperation against
terrorism and to form working teams to consolidate
various aspects of what shows all the signs of
becoming a strategic relationship that will immensely
strengthen Israel�s burgeoning influence in Southern
and Central Asia.
-Washington�s unavoidable collaboration with Pakistan
in the war against the Taleban and Al-Qaeda may have
complicated this equation somewhat, but the principal
US aim seems to be to contain China, which it fears
will become a major threat over the next two decades
or so, by bolstering India�s military capabilities and
to gain a significant military presence in Southern
and Central Asia, something that New Delhi had
resisted for decades. How neatly Sept. 11 seems to
have fitted in with US geopolitical objectives.
-[T]here have been suggestions that Israel should now
forge a new strategic alliance on top of that with
Turkey and the one that is clearly emerging with
India, this time with Taiwan, which is now going all
out to upgrade and expand its military capabilities
and is always on the lookout for allies in its
confrontation with Beijing. Both Taiwan and Israel
share an institutionalized �special relationship� with
the US, which has pledged to guarantee their defense,
and enjoy bipartisan support from the US Congress.




The day that Osama bin Laden�s suicide squads wreaked
havoc in the United States, Major General Uzi Dayan,
who heads Israel�s National Security Council and is
Premier Ariel Sharon�s security adviser, was
conducting a �strategic dialogue� in New Delhi with
his counterpart, Brajesh Mishra, and other senior
Indian officials. They agreed to intensify cooperation
against terrorism and to form working teams to
consolidate various aspects of what shows all the
signs of becoming a strategic relationship that will
immensely strengthen Israel�s burgeoning influence in
Southern and Central Asia.
Dayan�s presence in New Delhi on Sept. 11 was, of
course, pure happenstance, but it underlined how
events in the Middle East and Asia are becoming
increasingly entwined, and not necessarily for the
good. Israel has had security links with India for
many years, even though India did not recognize Israel
until the end of the Cold War. But since Sept. 11, the
relationship has expanded rapidly and, in some
respects, more openly. India has exploited the suicide
attacks on the United States to intensify its war
against Islamic extremists in disputed Kashmir, just
as Sharon has hijacked US President George W. Bush�s
�war on terrorism� to convince Americans that the
Palestinians fighting against Israeli occupation are
no different than bin Laden.
Indeed, the pronouncements of India�s pro-Western
right-wing prime minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, on
the Kashmir problem � �we have had enough of symbolic
gestures� from Pakistan,� or �terrorist attacks must
be halted� before meaningful negotiations can take
place � often bear an eerie similarity to Sharon�s
proclamations about the Palestinians.

Since India recognized Israel in 1992 (after a
clandestine relationship that spanned two decades),
Israel has become its second-biggest arms supplier
after Russia. Over the last two years, it has sold
equipment worth some $3 billion, including Barak naval
surface-to-air missiles, unmanned aerial surveillance
aircraft and the Green Pine early warning radar that
is an integral part of the Israeli Arrow-2
anti-missile missile system.
Israel also wants to export the Arrow-2 to India and
Turkey, but since this program has been largely funded
by the US, Washington�s permission is required. So
far, this has not been forthcoming because of the
confrontation between India and Pakistan over Kashmir,
but the Israelis seem confident that they will
eventually get their way.
The Bush administration recently cleared the sale of
Israel�s A-50I Phalcon airborne warning and control
system (AWACS) planes, worth $1 billion, to India.
With India, which was allied to Moscow during the Cold
War, now solidly in the US camp following the events
of Sept. 11, Israeli arms sales � along with growing
US military aid � are likely to increase. The Phalcon
deal, which will give India a significant operational
edge over Pakistan and China, as well as other defense
contracts with India were the key issues on Foreign
Minister Shimon Peres� agenda when he visited New
Delhi in January.
Defense News, a Washington-based defense industry
weekly, reported this month that Israel is responding
to appeals from New Delhi to accelerate arms
deliveries and to expand joint efforts to combat the
threat of Islamic extremism, particularly Barak
missiles, medium-altitude Heron surveillance craft,
ground-based and airborne sensors for use along the
border with Pakistan and tactical radio systems. This
has coincided with the deterioration in the
confrontation over Kashmir.

Officials in both countries are reluctant to discuss
this rapidly expanding relationship. However, Ephraim
Inbar, director of the Begin-Sadat Center for
Strategic Studies at Bar Ilan University near Tel
Aviv, told Defense News: �Its an extremely sensitive
issue. With both countries basically facing similar
threats of terrorist incursions, I believe the Indians
have come to value more than ever their strategic
cooperative relationship with Israel because of the
weapons, technology and operational experiences we can
offer them.�
The center hosted a delegation of Indian strategic
analysts and policy advisers led by K. Santhanam,
director of the Institute for Defense Studies and
Analyses in New Delhi, to discuss the various aspects
of political and military cooperation between the two
countries.
And Uzi Dayan was back in New Delhi with Zvi Gabay,
director-general of Israel�s Foreign Ministry, on May
27-28 to discuss speeding up military deliveries,
although these will have to be coordinated with the US
to avoid upsetting the balance of power in the
flashpoint region.
Still, it should be noted that the Americans applied
intense pressure on Israel into scrapping a contract,
potentially worth $3 billion, to sell up to four
Phalcon AWACS to China in 2000 because it could
threaten Taiwanese and US national security interests
in the Asia-Pacific region, but have yielded on
exporting the Phalcon to India.

Scuttling the deal with China, a key arms market for
Israel, badly damaged Israel�s relations with Beijing,
even though Israel agreed in March to reimburse China
for some $200 million it had already paid for the
aircraft and another $150 million in related damages
and fees. But US policy toward India has shifted
dramatically, and was changing even before Sept. 11,
as outlined by Assistant Secretary of State Richard
Armitage in a detailed interview with The Washington
Post published on Aug. 12, 2001. US policy in Asia, he
said, would be based on �greater military planning,
joint operations and eventual sharing of weapons
technology with New Delhi.� India would be treated as
a �strategic partner� in controlling the Indian Ocean.
Washington�s unavoidable collaboration with Pakistan
in the war against the Taleban and Al-Qaeda may have
complicated this equation somewhat, but the principal
US aim seems to be to contain China, which it fears
will become a major threat over the next two decades
or so, by bolstering India�s military capabilities and
to gain a significant military presence in Southern
and Central Asia, something that New Delhi had
resisted for decades. How neatly Sept. 11 seems to
have fitted in with US geopolitical objectives.

Israel, as a key US ally and with its own security and
economic interests in the region, is likely to be a
willing partner in this enterprise, although an
Israeli presence could well act as a spur to Islamic
extremism. This seems to be an acceptable risk for all
concerned and once again Israel would appear to have
adroitly maneuvered itself into a beneficial position
in terms of bolstering its widening security
objectives and finding markets for its defense
industries, which are increasingly reliant on exports.
Indeed, as its relations with China were damaged by
the Phalcon debacle, there have been suggestions that
Israel should now forge a new strategic alliance on
top of that with Turkey and the one that is clearly
emerging with India, this time with Taiwan, which is
now going all out to upgrade and expand its military
capabilities and is always on the lookout for allies
in its confrontation with Beijing. Both Taiwan and
Israel share an institutionalized �special
relationship� with the US, which has pledged to
guarantee their defense, and enjoy bipartisan support
from the US Congress.
Taiwan certainly seems to be interested in promoting
such an arrangement. China�s growing requirement for
oil as it restructures its economy must inevitably
push it into developing relations with producing
countries like Saudi Arabia and Iran, which will have
to be at Israel�s expense, since it has no oil, so
perhaps the notion of a US-Israel-Taiwan alliance is
not so far-fetched.
�A strategic triangle between the United States,
Israel and Taiwan is the next logical step,� according
to William Kristol, a prominent figure in America�s
conservative establishment.
Speaking at a March conference in Tel Aviv called East
Asia and the Middle East: Strategic Linkages in an
American-Dominated World, he said: �It�s certainly
something worthy of public discussion, with missile
defense being a key example of how these two key US
allies can work together to further US interests over
the next few years.�
For now, Israeli officials, hoping to secure further
contracts with China even though some of the weapons
its sells to Beijing eventually could find their into
Arab hands, are downbeat about a possible alliance
with Taiwan.
But the Americans would certainly feel more
comfortable if Israel distanced itself from Beijing.
It did not go down too well in Washington when the
Chinese fighter jets shadowing a US Navy surveillance
aircraft, which subsequently was forced down, were
armed with Israeli-made Python air-to-air missiles.

Israeli intelligence cooperation with India continues
to expand. There are at least a dozen technical teams
assisting India in upgrading its
intelligence-gathering capabilities in Kashmir. But it
is their relationship in the nuclear field that is the
most alarming. The �father� of India�s nuclear weapons
program, A.J.P. Abdul Kalam, has visited Israel
several times over the years, twice in the 18 months
before his country emerged as the world�s sixth
official nuclear power in 1998. Now Abdul Kalam, a
national hero in his homeland, has been nominated for
president by the governing coalition in New Delhi and
the opposition. His election would set the seal on
India�s nuclear relationship with Israel.
This was secretly forged in the 1970s, built on an
earlier clandestine agreement nurtured by the Central
Intelligence Agency, under which Israel helped supply
India with conventional weapons. The nuclear pact
accelerated in 1987 when Pakistan, already viewed with
some suspicion by Israel, which feared Islamabad�s
know-how could find its way to Arab states and Iran,
was thought to be close to assembling a nuclear
weapon. How extensive this relationship is remains
unclear, but both Israel and India feel threatened by
Pakistan�s nuclear arsenal. There are considerable
suspicions that since Israel cannot conduct nuclear
tests in its own backyard (since it refuses to admit
that it has any such weapons), it may well have had
its devices tested by India, which thus replaced the
relationship it had with South Africa during the
apartheid era.
Israel has followed Pakistan�s nuclear weapons
development with intense scrutiny and during the early
1980s the Mossad, Israel�s secret intelligence
service, allegedly assassinated several European
middlemen involved in supplying Islamabad with nuclear
expertise and equipment � tactics it had employed
during the 1960s to sabotage Egypt�s missile program
and would use later to undermine Saddam Hussein�s
quest for nuclear weapons.
India recently announced that it was establishing a
separate command structure for its nuclear and missile
forces and it is highly likely that Israel, which has
had nuclear weapons since the 1960s, has provided
expertise in this regard. The recent sharpening of
tensions between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, and
George W. Bush�s widening war against Al-Qaeda and its
ideological fellow travelers, have blurred the lines
between South Asia and the Middle East, so the
deepening relationship between Israel and Pakistan
must be viewed with considerable concern. 
 



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