HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK
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___________________________________________________________________
>
>
>                             S T R A T F O R
>
>                     THE GLOBAL INTELLIGENCE COMPANY
>
>                         http://www.stratfor.com
> ___________________________________________________________________
>
>               28 June 2002
> Common "Chinese Dollar" -- Serious Proposal or Political
> Rhetoric?
>
> Summary
>
> A series of statements about currency is emanating from China --
> from the suggestion of a common currency for the mainland and
> Taiwan to floating the yuan to creating an Asian currency system
> centered on the Chinese currency. With many of these appearing
> little more than wishful thinking, it raises the question of
> whether Beijing's rhetoric is simply that of a government nearing
> a highly sensitive political transition or if these reveal the
> unfolding of a new Chinese policy -- one that could spell the end
> of centralized, one-party rule.
>
> Analysis
>
> China floated a trial balloon June 28 positing a common Chinese
> currency for the mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao that
> eventually could evolve into the core of an Asian common
> currency. An article in the official People's Daily suggested the
> formation of a "Chinese dollar" following the pattern of Europe's
> common currency, the euro. The optimistic 10-year plan could lead
> to the creation of an "Asian dollar," which could protect the
> region against currency fluctuations and economic crises,
> according to the report.
>
> China's common currency proposal is obviously a non-starter,
> given that Taiwan would lose all economic independence if it
> acceded to the plan. Yet in some respects, it is a logical
> extension of a dual-track Chinese policy intended to bring about
> the peaceful integration of China and Taiwan and to reassure its
> Asian neighbors that China's economic growth is not a cause for
> alarm but a force for regional stability.
>
> With China heading for one of its biggest leadership shakeups in
> the five-decade history of the People's Republic, the question
> that arises is whether the statements reflect simple posturing or
> in fact reveal new and unfolding economic and political policy.
>
> In the People's Daily article, four benefits were put forward for
> the formation of an integrated Chinese currency. First, China's
> financial reforms could be guided by experts from Hong Kong and
> Taiwan, stabilizing the Chinese economy and strengthening the
> common system. Second, Hong Kong would gain a much broader market
> for its products and services. Third, Macao's vital tourist
> industry would be boosted by the more convenient single currency.
> The fourth and final benefit would be for Taiwan, which would be
> able to use the scale of China's economy to resist "external
> financial attack."
>
> Although on some level, these are logical arguments, they
> overlook the central issue: that of Taiwan's political autonomy.
> Despite rapidly growing economic ties between Taiwan and the
> mainland, Taipei is still intent on remaining at least de facto
> independent of Beijing. The same argument seems to supersede
> another mainland proposal for economic ties with Taiwan. A
> spokesman for China's Taiwan Affairs Office said earlier this
> week that Beijing is ready to open the so-called three direct
> links with Taiwan -- as long as they are treated as domestic
> business affairs. The three direct links are mail, trade, and air
> and shipping services directly between Taiwan and China rather
> than through Hong Kong or other nations.
>
> The spokesman said the key reason for the "domestic" label would
> be to avoid allowing foreigners to take over the shipping routes,
> as even with Taiwan and China's WTO entry, the United Nations
> allows countries to retain the rights to coastal transportation,
> fishing and commerce for its own business. Like the proposal for
> an integrated currency, this too avoids the question of Taiwan's
> sovereignty -- or rather it automatically assumes Taiwan is part
> of one China, something Taipei is steadily moving away from.
>
> Beyond Taiwan, however, China is trying to project an image of
> economic magnanimity to all of Asia. Beijing has been campaigning
> hard to convince its Asian neighbors that China's economic growth
> does not challenge their economies. By floating the idea of a
> giant Chinese economy anchoring Asia amid a sea of financial
> instability and foreign pirates bent on "financial attack,"
> Beijing seeks reshape the perception of China as an unscrupulous
> giant bent on economic conquest.
>
> Building on this, China has taken the initiative in promoting the
> formation of a free trade zone with the Association of Southeast
> Asian Nations (ASEAN), basically suggesting to it that since
> China's growth is inevitable (if not unstoppable), they may as
> well come along for the ride. More tactically, Beijing is footing
> much of the bill for linking peninsular Southeast Asia into China
> via rail -- opening up the trade flows and giving ASEAN
> physically easier access to China's markets.
>
> China's attempts to soften its image among its neighbors,
> however, are proving only minimally effective. Beijing sees
> itself as one of the last standard-bearers for the creation of a
> multi-polar world, one that allows China to set its own domestic
> political and economic policies without concern for what
> Washington may say or do. Yet the United States is by far the
> more economically, politically and militarily dominant power. And
> everything China does to narrow the gap -- be it through economic
> restructuring or buying Russian submarines -- only leads China's
> near neighbors to be more certain that Beijing harbors regional
> aspirations of glory and power.
>
> Beijing's recent statements, then, raise an important question.
> Is China simply tossing out rhetoric during the run-up to the
> leadership change, or is it seriously preparing for a major shift
> in economic and political policy?
>
> There are other actions Beijing is taking that appear to be a
> continued move toward liberalizing the economy, which in turn
> means less centralized control for Beijing or the Communist
> Party. China is opening foreign-exchange rights to domestic and
> some select foreign banks and is considering changing investment
> rules to allow foreign firms to invest in China in yuan, rather
> than foreign currencies. At the same time, financial officials
> repeatedly have suggested that the yuan is moving toward
> convertibility.
>
> Allowing the yuan to float free, or even within a broader band,
> would erode Beijing's control over national economic policies.
> This in turn could have drastic consequences for Beijing's
> ability to control social instability, particularly if market
> forces trigger even more rapid rises in unemployment or drastic
> fluctuations in China's currency.
>
> But if the fluctuations failed to materialize, Beijing could move
> the yuan toward a more regional and even international currency -
> - giving China much greater political leverage and an ability to
> counter the United States. This would of course require the
> continuation of China's phenomenal (if not entirely believable)
> growth rates -- something Beijing would have to be very sure
> about to risk the internal destabilization should they
> miscalculate.
>
> If China's leaders truly believe that Beijing is on an
> unstoppable climb up the global economic ladder, then the short-
> term risks to stability can be countered by the long-term gains
> in international political and economic influence -- and by the
> ability to establish China as the other pole of the global
> system. With the transition of power near, however, the current
> round of rhetoric, and some of China's actions, may fade away as
> the new leaders begin consolidating power in 2003.
> ___________________________________________________________________

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