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http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,3-422023,00.html

The Times (London) 
September 21, 2002 


Military supremacy at heart of Bush strategy
>From Roland Watson in Washington


No state will be allowed to challenge the military
supremacy of the United States under a national
security strategy for the 21st century revealed by
President Bush yesterday. 
The document seeks to enshrine Mr Bush's post-
September 11 doctrine of pre-emptive strikes, fleshing
out for the first time his assertion that the US must
confront emerging threats before they materialise. 
The 33-page document, submitted to Congress yesterday,
also reveals the previously unstated determination of
the US to do everything possible to maintain its
status as the world's sole superpower. 
A key pillar of American national security policy
would be to "dissuade future military competition",
the White House document states. 
The essential role of US military strength is to
"build and maintain our defences beyond challenge". It
says: "Our forces will be strong enough to dissuade
potential adversaries from pursuing a military
build-up in hopes of surpassing, or equalling, the
power of the United States." 
The document stops short of spelling out what would
happen if a potential challenger did begin to emerge.
Since the end of the Cold War deprived Moscow of its
superpower status a decade ago, the US has had no
rival in terms of military strength. 
But instead of easing its spending on defence, like
many Nato countries, the Pentagon is increasing it.
The US defence budget for 2003 is $400 billion, an
increase of 6 per cent. Washington spends as much on
defence as the next eight largest military powers
combined. 
With Russia financially strapped, Mr Bush's message
appeared aimed at China, a rising military power which
is increasing both its conventional and nuclear
capabilities. 
Mr Bush's warning, and the tone of the document, were
a far cry from his stance during the presidential
election two years ago when he said that he would
pursue a "humble foreign policy". 
Reflecting the changes thrust on to White House
foreign policymaking by September 11, the document
states: "America is now threatened less by conquering
states than we are by failing ones." But it aims to
"turn adversity into opportunity", pursuing "a
distinctly American internationalism" that reflects US
values and interests. 
Wary of charges that the US is throwing its weight
around, Mr Bush used his foreword to the document to
insist that Washington was not acting only for itself.
"We do not use our strength to press for unilateral
advantage. We seek instead to create a balance of
power that favours human freedom," he said. 
But the heart of the President's proposals for
ensuring America's national security is the vigorous
pursuit of threats from rogue states and terrorists
before they strike. 
Elaborating on the doctrine of which he first spoke at
the West Point military academy in June, Mr Bush said
that the US would seek allies as it confronted these
threats. But the document added that "we will not
hesitate to act alone, if necessary, to exercise our
right of self-defence by acting pre-emptively". 
The key to America's efforts to combat weapons of mass
destruction would be "counter-proliferation". Although
it failed to spell out in detail what measures or
pre-emptive move that would encompass, they would
allow the US to "deter and defend against the threat
before it is unleashed". 
The White House conceded that it has been slow to
comprehend "the true nature of this new threat",
adding: "Given the goals of rogue states and
terrorists, the United States can no longer solely
rely on a reactive posture. We cannot let our enemies
strike first." 
Iraq is mentioned explicitly at points, but much of
the thrust of the new policy is aimed at President
Saddam Hussein and others of his ilk. 
Deterrence based on the threat of retaliation worked
in the Cold War, it argues, but is unlikely to work
against "leaders of rogue states more willing to take
risks, gambling with the lives of their people and the
wealth of their nations". 
In the Cold War weapons of mass destruction were a
weapon of last resort, but today America's enemies
regarded them as weapons of choice, and could use them
to strike at or blackmail the US. "To forestall or
prevent such hostile acts by our adversaries, the
United States will, if necessary, act pre-emptively." 
Senators expressed initial concern at the tone of the
new policy. Charles Grassley, a Republican from Iowa,
said: "The United States should never forecast to the
rest of the world that we desire one inch of foreign
territory."


Extracts from policy blueprint
"America is now threatened less by conquering states
than we are by failing ones. We are menaced less by
fleets and armies than by catastrophic technologies in
the hands of the embittered few." 
"The US National Security Strategy will be based on a
distinctly American internationalism that reflects the
union of our values and our national interests. The
aim of this strategy is to help make the world not
just safer but better." 
"Deterrence based only on a threat of retaliation is
less likely to work against leaders of rogue states
more willing to take risks . . . to forestall or
prevent such hostile acts by our adversaries, the
United States will, if necessary, act pre-emptively." 
"It is time to reaffirm the essential role of American
military strength. Our forces will be strong enough to
dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a
military build-up in hopes of surpassing, or
equalling, the power of the United States." 
"Counterproliferation must also be integrated into the
doctrine, training, and equipping of our forces and
those of our allies to ensure that we can prevail in
any conflict."
   
            

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