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http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_73069,00120001.htm

The Hindustan Times

Paranoid androids 
Prem Shankar Jha
September 26 
 
Several recent developments have left little room for
doubt that the US and the UK intend to launch a
military attack on Iraq, not in January or February,
as most analysts seem to think, but within days of the
passage of a �tough� new UN resolution, that Iraq may
well refuse to comply with.

In New York, George W. Bush  used the podium of the UN
General Assembly, an organisation designed to preserve
peace, to make what amounted to a unilateral
declaration of war. In London, Tony Blair released a
55-page intelligence assessment which purported to
show not only that Iraq continues to build weapons of
mass destruction, but is capable of having some of
them ready for use within 45 minutes of receiving
Saddam Hussein�s order. The last time he released a
similar document was when the US was on the verge of
launching its attack on Afghanistan.

American forces are already in place for the attack. A
command headquarters has been set up in Kuwait. The
chief of the US Central Command, Gen. Tommy Franks,
has visited Kuwait to discuss the state of planning
for the Iraq war with the chiefs of the three services
in his command. All this has gone on behind a
veritable media blitzkrieg of carefully leaked stories
that have revealed American war plans in unprecedented
detail.

Along with this has come a barrage of pseudo-moral
justification.  �In 1991, the Iraqi regime agreed to
destroy and stop developing all weapons of mass
destruction  (WMD) and long range missiles and to
prove to the world that it has done so by complying
with rigorous inspections. Iraq has broken every
aspect of this fundamental pledge,� said Bush at the
UN.

Blair was more explicit: �The threat posed to
international peace and security when WMD are in the
hands of a brutal and aggressive regime like Saddam�s,
is real. Unless we face up to the threat, not only do
we risk undermining the authority of the UN, whose
resolutions he defies, but more importantly, we place
at risk the lives and prosperity of our own people.�

The State against which he has made this charge is, no
doubt, ruled by a despot with a less than savoury
record of waging war, not least against his own
people. But it is a broken and exhausted nation. By 
1998, according to a UNICEF report, economic sanctions
imposed after the Gulf war had killed more than
half-a-million children. The UNICEF arrived at this
figure by comparing the infant mortality rate in Iraq
before and after the war. The same report said that
under the sanctions regime the infrastructure of the
country and, most important of all, its water supply
and sanitation systems, had broken down.

What is true of the civilian infrastructure is also
true of its weaponry. Since 1990, Iraq has received
little new military equipment. Its planes, tanks and
artillery are more than a decade old. Much of what was
left after the Gulf war has been destroyed in
successive bombing raids on tank and artillery depots,
ammunition dumps and airfields. A part of the little
that has survived has been cannibalised to keep the
rest running. Thus only a fraction of the armament
that survived the Gulf war is still fit for combat.

Iraq does not have the economic strength, the military
muscle or the emotional staying power to threaten
anyone. On the contrary, in November 1998, when the US
was on the brink of an attack, it quietly sent a
message to Tel Aviv that it would not attack Israel if
the US attacked it. This was not the act of a
war-crazed despot. Why then are the US and UK so
determined to invade Iraq?

The ostensible reason is that Saddam, who has
demonstrated his willingness to use WMD against Iran
and on the Kurds, must be preempted from acquiring the
capacity to build them again. But the real fear is
that, having alienated Saddam beyond any hope of
repair, the US cannot take the risk of a resurgent
Iraq becoming the next State sponsor of international
terrorism. This fear haunts Washington despite the
fact that Iraq is the one State that is totally free
of Islamic fundamentalism and that the most diligent
US efforts have failed to uncover links with any
international terrorist group.

Iraq is therefore to be invaded and destroyed not
because of what it has done; not because of what it
has threatened to do; not even for what it is capable
of doing; but for what it is suspected of being
capable of doing. This is paranoia on a scale the
world has never known before.

According to Bush and Blair, Saddam  played hide and
seek with the UN weapons inspectors (UNSCOM) between
1991 and 1998, and forced them out of Iraq rather than
let them complete their job of dismantling its WMD
capability. According to them, Iraq withdrew
cooperation from UNSCOM in November 1997 but
backtracked when faced by the threat of bombing in the
same month; it withdrew it in February 1998, but
backtracked in the face of another bombing threat the
same month; it withdrew cooperation in August 1998 but
backtracked in November, and withdrew it finally in
December 1998.

On each occasion it tried to strike bargains with the
remaining permanent members of the Security Council to
lift sanctions in exchange for allowing the weapons
inspectors back in. In the process, it eroded the
effectiveness of the sanctions and drove a wedge
between the UK and US and the rest.

Undoubtedly, Iraq did not cooperate with UNSCOM
willingly. At the very outset, Saddam set up a �high
level concealment committee� to minimise the amount of
weapons and WMD making facilities that UNSCOM could
unearth. But thanks to intelligence inputs from
Israel, it had immense success. On April 11, 1997,
UNSCOM reported to the Security Council that �the
accumulated effect of the work that has been
accomplished over six years since the ceasefire went
into effect � is such that not much is unknown about
Iraq�s retained proscribed weapons capabilities�.

>From there, everything went downhill. By December
1998, UNSCOM had withdrawn from Iraq and  the US and
UK had begun four days of intense bombardment designed
to �degrade� its capacity to build WMD and threaten
its neighbours in the future.

In a manner that eerily foreshadowed the way that
Yasser Arafat and the PLO would be held responsible
for the violence that was unleashed upon Israel and
Palestine by Ariel Sharon, the spin doctors of the US
and UK ensured that the blame for the breakdown of the
inspection regime would be heaped on Saddam. However,
the breakdown was engineered by the US.

To cite one example, Iraq broke off cooperation with
UNSCOM in late 1997 because it believed that Scott
Ritter, a senior American specialist on UNSCOM, was a
CIA agent. The US dismissed the charge, nearly went to
war in February over Ritter�s reinstatement, and
succeeded in making Iraq back down in February. Six
months later when Ritter turned �rogue�, the world�s
press came to know that he had been a member not of
the CIA but US Marine Intelligence and  had enjoyed a
cosy two-way relationship with Israeli intelligence
while in Iraq.

The US sabotaged the end of weapons inspection because
it soon realised that while compliance with the UN
resolutions  could destroy Iraq�s WMD building
capability, it could not prevent it from developing it
again when the sanctions were lifted. The only
insurance was a completely pliant regime in Baghdad.

Between 1991 and 1997, it made five unsuccessful
attempts to oust Saddam. After the 1998 bombing
destroyed UNSCOM, it genuinely did not know where to
go next. Today Bush and Blair face the same
alternatives � rehabilitate Saddam or kill him. They
have chosen the latter.
 


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