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http://www.narconews.com/smith1.html
October 2, 2002
Narco News '02
On Venezuela and Democracy
Part I: Overview of the Conflict
By Ron Smith
Reporting from Venezuela
Special to The Narco News Bulletin

In Caracas, Venezuela today there is a major conflict, from the rhetoric,
one would believe that it was a battle between an authoritarian government
and a grassroots democracy movement. What will be described here is the
white (or red, or green) washing of an anti-democratic movement,
orchestrated to appear as a genuine grassroots opposition movement by the
most powerful forces in this country.

First, a little background. Hugo Chavez Frias is the current president of
Venezuela, he came to power in a landslide electoral victory in 1998, buoyed
by his claims to oppose all of the traditional power sectors in Venezuelan
society, to create a revolution of the political system which he calls
Venezuela�s 5th republic, and his anti-neoliberal platform. He and his now
moribund party, the MVR, Movimiento V Republica, have won several elections
and referendums including a total revamp of the Venezuelan constitution and
a an electoral sweep of sympathetic deputies into the national assembly.
Chavez`s government seen several changes of positions, as some of the
leading personalities have left the MVR to join the opposition.

Chavez`s main successes have not been radical changes to the Economic or
social situation here in Venezuela. One theme on which seemingly everyone
can agree is the heightened level of public participation in the political
processes of Venezuela. In every caf�, at every Metro station, in every
street, you can hear people talking about the political situation in
Venezuela. His other major changes include the introduction of "La Ley de
Tierras," a liberal land reform law, and "La Ley de Pescas," a major change
to the fishing regulations designed to prioritize small scale local fishing
over large-scale industrial export fishing. Probably the most dramatic
change has been the legalization of small independent television and radio
stations, previously called "pirate" stations. It's fascinating to notice
that no station is called pirate anymore, there has been a complete
legalization (without any noticeable deterioration of signal prophesied by
groups like the NAB in the US, deterioration of content is a different
matter.)

Who are the opposition?

I can tell you a little bit about the Coordinadora Democratica. It's a
coalition of all of the opposition, from COPEI, the traditional conservative
political party, to Bandera Roja, a somewhat unrealistic Marxist Leninist
party. The Coordinadora also includes two of the most powerful forces in the
country, FEDECAMARAS, the association of business owners and CTV, possibly
the most reactionary and corrupt federation of unions on this continent.
Whatever the CD looked like at the beginning, it's since been completely
hijacked by the extreme right.

I have attended two rallies of the extreme right in the past 10 days, the
first on Friday, October 20th, the second on Thursday, September 26th. The
first was a micro rally in the upscale neighborhood of Altamira in the
Chacao district of Venezuela. The rally was dominated by a van plastered
with anti-Chavez posters and equipped with an extremely powerful sound
system. Various speakers arrived and shouted reasons that the crowd should
despise and overthrow Chavez. The speeches were accompanied by frenzied flag
waving and cheers. I milled through the mostly upper- and middle class crowd
to get some interviews. When I approached various protestors, they said "We
want an end to castrocommunism", and the like, but no details. When I asked
a student if Pedro Carmona Estanga, the short lived president of the last
coup attempt, would be better than Chavez, after some hesitation the answer
was "Anyone but Chavez". One thing you can be sure of is that if there is a
successful coup, it won't be for press freedom or democracy, one of
Carmona's first acts was to close canal 8, the state-run television channel,
and the only channel that did not openly support the coup.

The fact is that there a numerous complaints that can be made about Chavez's
government, including the lack of backbone in terms of neoliberal reforms
and the new trend in the government to make deals with the US government,
including allowing the previously denied US drug overflights to Colombia.
The biggest problem with the opposition movement is that the individual
members have allowed the CD to become a monolithic anti-Chavez machine. Any
moderate or left leaning opposition is lost in a fury of extreme right-wing
propaganda. This is largely the fault of the most powerful members of the
opposition, but it also can be attributed to numerous smaller political
groups who have latched on to the CD as an easy way of appearing more
powerful. An independent opposition from the left and from popular
organizers would probably do this country some good, but the fact is that at
this point in Venezuelan history, there are two positions you can take in
regards to Chavez, you�re either 'fer it or agin it.' If you are agin it,
you voice is lost in the maelstrom of rightist anti-Chavez propaganda.

What Happened on April 11th?
or, when a 'power vacuum' is really just a coup.

This is a large part of the controversy that has played a major role in
forming the political situation here in Caracas. On April 9th, strikes were
called by the CTV, the Central de Trabajadores Venezolanos, at the behest of
FEDECAMARAS, the association of business owners. It may seem somewhat odd
that a union would call a strike after being asked by the representatives of
the most powerful industries here in Venezuela, but the corruption of the
CTV runs to its core. On April 11th, there was a major protest against the
Chavez government, with most sane estimates placing the size of the protest
at around 250,000 people. What is certain is that there was a confrontation
under a bridge a block away from the presidential palace, and the result was
19 deaths and a great number of injuries. This is where the propaganda
machines really get into gear. According to the Venezuelan press, Chavez�s
goons, the Guardia Nacional, started firing indiscriminately into the crowd
to enforce their dictatorial duties to suppress dissent. The television
stations in Caracas continually showed images of corpses and people firing
weapons. The Chavez government and its supporters claim that the opposition
forces began the shooting, and that the GN was acting entirely in
self-defense. At this point, it's extremely difficult to know what really
happened, although numerous human rights groups are working on reports of
what happened in the conflict, and the Defensoria of Human Rights of the
Chavez government has released a preliminary report with another
forthcoming. The problem with the mainstream media's story is that at least
9 of the dead were Chavez supporters. Little facts like this don't really
affect the mainstream media's reporting of the issue. In the afternoon of
April 11th, El Nacional released a special edition prophesying the end of
the Chavez regime.

On the evening of April 11th, the media reported that Hugo Chavez had
resigned his position in the government because of his guilt about the
murders of the innocent protestors, and the head of FEDECAMARAS did his duty
to fill the 'power vacuum' and took over the presidency. Never mind that
nowhere in the constitution does it mention the right of the head of the
corporate association to take over the presidency. Pedro Carmona Estanga
took power and created a 'government of transition' where he assumed
absolute power and pledged to hold new elections in one year. His regime was
marked by closures of public broadcasting facilities, dissolution of the
legislative bodies of the state, and a fierce campaign against the reforms
passed by Chavez since his entry into office. Democracy was declared, photos
of police dragging people into police cars were accompanied by captions
describing justice being served to pro-Chavez assassins, everything seemed
to be going quite well for the golpistas. The problem was that in reality,
it was a coup d'etat, and the supposed document proving the renunciation of
the presidency by Chavez was never produced. Massive protests broke out all
over the country, most sources agree that over 1 million participants
flooded the street to demand an end to the Carmona regime and a return to El
Processo of Chavez. By the morning of the 14th, Chavez was back in power and
Carmona fled to Colombia in exile.
This history is constantly being denied in the Venezuelan papers and
television stations. "There was no coup, it was democracy". "We'll always
remember April 11th". This revisionist view of history is denied even by CNN
who at the time called the situation a Coup d'etat, as did the vast majority
of the world community, with the exception of some remarkable comments by
our own president, the result of a similar act of "democracy".

Every day since I arrived in Venezuela, there has been a huge media campaign
to fire up the public imagination about a Venezuela without Chavez. Many
right wing protesters asked me why CNN wanted a Soviet Republic in
Venezuela, and why the US wanted a new Castro Cuba in all of South America.
This is related to the fact that CNN actually called the coup a coup,
instead of the usual "Government of Transition" or "Power Vacuum" that is
always mentioned in the local press.

Democracy and Freedom of Speech

The Chavez government has been condemned every day by the mainstream press
here and by the CTV and FEDECAMARAS for its alleged crackdown on press
freedoms here. A recent delegation by the Inter-American Press Association
(SIP, in its Spanish initials), an international press organization,
revealed their position on the state of affairs in Venezuela. "Chavez is a
Fascist, says Faschetto," screamed the headlines. Jorge Faschetto, the
Argentinian member of the delegation released this statement before arriving
in Venezuela. Robert Cox, the other delegation member and Faschetto appeared
at a press conference at the CTV building and declared that "Closing of
television stations is next!". If such an important international press
organization would condemn Chavez so openly, there must really be an
oppressive regime here. What begins to make one feel as though they've
stepped into "Bizarro World" is that every day, the television stations
accuse the Chavez government of oppressing freedom of speech. Every news
program includes denunciations of the Chavez's oppression of speech, and the
lack of freedom of speech is blasted across the headlines of the major
papers. These denunciations are interspersed with the other denunciations of
the "castrocommunist" regime. A very grim future is constantly predicted,
and the television stations advertise major anti-government rallies a week
before they happen, and demand that people come out to support democracy.
This does not look like any abrogation of the freedom of speech that I've
ever seen.

I've interviewed people from many sides in the media industry and I can say
that freedom of speech is indeed threatened, but not by the government.
Venezuelan media today is an extreme example of self-censorship. The major
press organizations are all in concert to oppose Chavez, any writer who
makes a statement opposing the opposition risks immediate firing. As the SIP
(Robert Cox and Jorge Faschetto) claimed that the Chavez government is
threatening press freedom, I asked an independent-minded reporter at el
Nacional, Vanessa Davies, if there was any truth to these claims, she
laughed. There have been no actions what so ever by the Chavez government to
close the press, or to openly oppose their freedom of speech. If not for the
rule passed by Chavez recently that large companies can't fire their workers
for a period, my journalist friend would have lost her job a long time ago.

El Nacional Reporter Vanessa Davies:
Threats to Press Freedom Come from the Commercial Media, not the State
Photo: D.R. 2002 By Al Giordano

I asked the editor of Tal Cual an opposition paper, and the Executive
President of El Nacional what threats to press freedom Chavez presented. I
also asked a right-leaning human rights organization that represents
mainstream journalists what the threats were from Chavez. The answer in all
three cases was that Chavez has threatened members of the press and incited
the pro-Chavez forces to violence against the press. When I asked for a
concrete example, the reply was "He said the press was full of shit". Not
exactly a concerted oppressive campaign in my book. There has been some
violence against reporters' equipment and cars by angry crowds in various
locations around the country, each incident discussed for hours on the
television stations. When I arrived, the car of a crew of Globovision, the
worst offender in terms of anti-Chavez propaganda, was apparently beaten up
by an angry mob. The camera gear was apparently stolen and then returned by
a member of the crowd. The police and the National Guard did little or
nothing to stop the crowd. While the press claimed that this showed the
government's lack of respect for freedom of speech, Globovision has been
openly calling for the overthrow of the Chavez government every day, not
exactly the way to get sympathy from the same government. The fact is that
Chavez has opened up the possibilities for independent media freedom,
including legalizing pirate radio and television stations. Independent
producers are respected by national guardsmen and get all of the government
access privileges that are accorded to the mainstream press. More about this
in part 2.

What Now?

There is another general work stoppage being planned by FEDECAMARAS and CTV
for the 10th of October. A point of interest is that the strikes that are
being called here in Venezuela are not at all called by the unions, corrupt
as they may be, they�re called by FEDECAMARAS, the organization of
companies. The CTV, the biggest confederation of unions, take their orders
from FEDECAMARAS. Last week, CTV said, when asked if there will be a new
work stoppage, that it depends on the will of FEDECAMARAS. I attended a
press conference of CTV, where Carlos Ortega, the head of CTV said �vamos
por la guerra� (we are going to war). When I attended said press conference,
I was invited to a back room to meet the executive committee of CTV, and who
would be in the room but 3 admirals who assisted in the coup in April. This
is especially troubling because the coup in April started with a "general
work stoppage" (not a strike) on April 9th. The fact is that the government
here is much better prepared now for an attempted coup, but the fact is the
Middle and Upper classes are trying to form a united front in the
Coordinadora Democratica (CD).

There is always a possibility of a golpe de estado (coup d'etat) here in
Venezuela. The media are complete protagonists in the conflict, and they
want to create the appearance of a massive popular movement to overthrow
Chavez. The fact is that at this point, the golpistas are still unpopular
with the majority of the people, but that could change by the 10th if the
media campaign continues, which it most certainly will. The mainstream media
blatantly lies about the Chavez government and the popular support of a
coup. I attended a right-wing golpista rally on thursday, September 26th,
and when it started, the plaza was empty, but after a couple hours of
complete media saturation , the plaza filled with about 10,000 people, at
most. El Nacional published a photo the next day saying the plaza was filled
will over 200,000 protesters. I've seen 80,000 protesters in Seattle, and to
say that the miniscule Plaza of Meritocracy in Chacao was filled with
200,000 people is only possible if you believe that you could fit 100 people
per square meter.

I'd say that a coup attempt is very likely, a successful coup attempt is
very much less likely, but still a possibility. One thing that may affect
the coup plotters is that the US ambassador Shapiro indicated, although very
gently, that he would prefer that the anti-Chavez groupings work through
constitutional means, which most people here interpret as opposition to a
coup. Talk is cheap, but people here are very conscious of the US
preoccupation with Iraq, and their inability to devote a large amount of
attention and support to a possible coup.

Look for part 2, where you will find analysis of Venezuelan drug policy, the
appearance of true Venezuelan Paramilitaries in the service of landowners,
and the state of community media here in Caracas.

Ron Smith is an independent Journalist and Filmmaker who lives in Mill
Valley California when not gallivanting around Latin America documenting
popular movements. Ron Smith has created several documentary shorts,
including the film Resistance as Democracy, an analysis of the state of the
grassroots labor and anti-globalization movements in El Salvador. He is
currently working on a documentary about US military aid to Colombia.
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