http://en.fondsk.ru/article.php?id=2700


Strategic Culture Foundation
January 16, 2010


NATO's New Strategy: from Balkan Wars to Energy Wars
Pyotr Iskenderov


-[D]iscussions far transcend the theme of the NATO members' own security which 
was at the center of the 1949 Atlantic Charter. Currently their focus is on the 
design of political and military methods of globally enforcing NATO interests, 
which are interpreted in a maximally broad sense. 
NATO documents invoke the task of maintaining efficient military potential 
across the entire spectrum of the alliance's missions without any geographic 
localization. Considering that the sphere of NATO's missions has already 
reached Afghanistan, there should be no doubts concerning the proportions of 
NATO's further “crisis management”. 


The implementation of the new NATO strategy, unveiled for internal debates by 
NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen in September, 2009, seems to have 
begun prior to its official approval. 

As in the 1990s – the epoch marked with the demise of Yugoslavia – the novel 
scenario is being put to a test in the Balkans, namely in Serbia's breakaway 
Kosovo province. 

In terms of the outward signs, the scenario amounts to a radical reduction of 
the NATO-led KFOR peacekeeping contingent in the province. The actual objective 
behind the plan, though, is to concentrate the forces remaining in Kosovo to 
confront the Serbs who are now openly regarded as the main enemy, as well as to 
shift the forces to be withdrawn from the province to other zones of strategic 
interest. 

Decisions on the latter will be made by the US President unilaterally. While 
officially it is Afghanistan that features at the top of the US military 
agenda, the list of such zones is expanded to include new fronts of “energy 
wars”. 

The commander of the south wing of the Alliance, Admiral Mark Fitzgerald, who 
paid a visit to Pristina recently, said that KFOR was at the final stage of 
radical downsizing – from 15,000 servicemen in the recent past to 10,000 by the 
end of this January. 

Brussels said the step was made possible by the stabilization in Kosovo and 
indicated that it regarded the Serbian parallel self-government institutions 
functioning in the predominantly Serbian northern part of the province as a 
threat. “UN SC Resolution 1244 doesn’t recognize parallel institutions. We 
regard every violation of the UN Resolution as a security threat and we are 
therefore concerned”, said Fitzgerald. 

It is an open secret that the confrontation between Kosovo's Albanian and 
Serbian populations undermines the fragile peace in Kosovo as well as in a 
number of other Balkan countries. 

By April Pristina plans to set up a Northern Mitrovica municipality, which is 
an Albanian euphemism for the Serb-populated northern part of Kosovska 
Mitrovica. 

To this end, the Albanian administration subjected the borders of the Serbian 
communities to an overhaul without the Serbs' consent. There is information 
that the new institution is supposed to take charge in case Albanian extremists 
provoke a new round of conflicts between the Albanian and Serbian communities. 

In other words, the municipality will play a role similar to that the 
administration in Georgia gave to the puppet administration of D. Sanakoev in 
South Ossetia. 

By the way, the UN Court of International Justice is expected to pass its 
verdict on Kosovo also by April. Albanian separatists are convinced that the 
court will rule in their favor and thus enable them to suppress the Serbian 
resistance, of course with the help of NATO's KFOR. 

The threat of a new escalation in the north of Kosovo is absolutely real, but 
it would be unfair to blame it on the Serbian parallel administrations. 
Fitzgerald's references to Resolution 1244 are in fact equally unfair - the 
Washington-backed unilateral declaration of Kosovo independence by Pristina 
constituted a clear breach of this very Resolution. 

There is logic behind the developments: in Kosovo NATO is beginning to switch 
to a new approach to safeguarding its interests. 

As a departure from the strategy of abstract presence in conflict zones, it 
intends to a priori decide unequivocally which of the sides in a conflict (in 
which NATO steps in as a separating force in accord with an international 
mandate) is its enemy and focus on confronting it. 

It has already been declared that Serbs are NATO's enemies in Kosovo, as are 
Bosnian Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Macedonia, the country's 
administration risks becoming NATO's enemy in case it dares to curb the surging 
appetites of the local Albanian community. The “point strategy” will help NATO 
spend less resources on sustaining control over the zones where Brussels-style 
“order” has already been established and shift additional forces elsewhere. 

Discussions in NATO Headquarters in Brussels provide further evidence that what 
looms on the horizon is a whole new strategy for the alliance. 

By the way, the group of 12 experts elaborating NATO's new Strategic Concept is 
headed by former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, a supporter of 
Albanian extremists who has been instrumental in inducing the demise of 
Yugoslavia. 

It has become known that the discussions far transcend the theme of the NATO 
members' own security which was at the center of the 1949 Atlantic Charter. 
Currently their focus is on the design of political and military methods of 
globally enforcing NATO interests, which are interpreted in a maximally broad 
sense. 

NATO documents invoke the task of maintaining efficient military potential 
across the entire spectrum of the alliance's missions without any geographic 
localization. Considering that the sphere of NATO's missions has already 
reached Afghanistan, there should be no doubts concerning the proportions of 
NATO's further “crisis management”. 

Jamie Shea, who served as the NATO envoy at the time of the alliance's 
aggression against Yugoslavia, is to deliver a lecture on January 19 at NATO 
Headquarters in Brussels indicatively titled “Energy security: is this a 
challenge for the markets or for the strategic community as well?”.

The speaker intends to state in the name of NATO – for the first time with 
unprecedented clarity – that the growing might of such countries as China, 
India, and Russia compels NATO to face the question: “Is energy security 
something best left to market forces and to regulation or is it a strategic 
issue where an organisation like NATO can play a useful role?”. 

To take the role, NATO needs to suppress the remaining sources of resistance to 
the new world order in Kosovo and other Balkan regions.
===========================
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