Hi guys,
   I found this writing intresting and wanted to share with you guys.
source: indianexpress.com

            throbbing music

Mutiny's bounty 
  Watch `Mangal Pandey', rescue history from the historians 

Each time an Indian film-maker attempts to recreate the past, the 
resident bore stands up and yelps, ``But this is not history.'' What 
follows is a pedantic discourse that, in effect, insists history is 
best left to historians who write for each other, if not for the 
government. 

So it has been with Mangal Pandey: The Rising. One columnist has 
trashed it as ``utter fantasy'', a ``lie'' that ``should not have 
been made''. Another hasn't seen the film but says he finds ``jingo-
patriotic themes tiresome''. Few pundits bother with actually 
watching the film. Most are happy to use it to peddle pet theories, 
or flog ancient PhDs. 
 
This is a pity, really, because Mangal Pandey is eminently 
watchable. True, it is not short of anomalies and anachronisms — 
Barrackpore looks beautiful, but is not usually overlooked by the 
Sahyadris; Lord Canning refers to the white man's burden a half-
century before Kipling coined the phrase; the real Mangal Pandey 
almost certainly never met Azimullah Khan and Tatya Tope. 

Nevertheless, as a mix of history, folk tradition, legend and 
cinematic licence, the film is worth the price of the ticket. It is 
visually extremely rich, some of the sets are straight out of 
Company-era watercolours. 

The drama and vibrancy of mid-19th century India is well brought 
out — snakes and painted elephants, glass bangles and throbbing 
music. Some of these are cliches, of course, to appeal to the 
overseas viewer, but in much the same manner as Indian novelists now 
seem to write only for literary agents in London. 

Having said that, there are four ideas that emerge from the Mangal 
Pandey mini-controversy that need to be addressed. Some are germane 
to the film, others to perceptions of history and nation. 

First, how true does a film have to be to textbook history? Go by 
empirical comparison. A Delhi tabloid, reviewing Ketan Mehta's film, 
claimed it lacked the ``veracity of ...Braveheart''. 

Is this accurate? Mel Gibson's Braveheart implied that Scottish 
rebel William Wallace fathered the future Edward III, king of 
England. That was piquant cinema, not quite rigorous history. 

What Mehta and Aamir Khan have done is packed in many themes 
associated with the Mutiny and its period — the opium trade with 
China, which made the fortunes of, among others, certain Parsi 
business families; the anger of native princes, which ran parallel 
to sepoy discontent; sati — and personalised them in the experience 
of one man. This is cinematic shorthand, but it is not, in the 
broader sense, made-up history. 

For instance, there is the point about Mangal Pandey visiting nautch 
girls. Nobody is sure if he was actually in love with one. Yet when 
the girl tells him ``Hum to apna sharir bechte hain, aap apni atma 
bechte ho (We sell our bodies to the white man, you sepoys sell your 
souls)'', it is not just scriptwriter melodrama. It has an anecdotal 
context. 

P.J.O. Taylor, that indefatigable chronicler of 1857, has written of 
May 10 in Meerut, when the Mutiny formally began, a day after Indian 
sepoys were punished for not using the new cartridges: ``There is a 
distinct possibility that it began, almost by accident, as a result 
of one trooper breaking under the taunts of the courtesans of the 
bazaar brothels: they were egging on the men to rescue their 85 
comrades from the gaol.'' 

Second, was Mangal Pandey an Indian patriot, did he see himself as 
Indian at all? Probably not in the way we see ourselves today. Yet 
that doesn't him stop him being a symbol of national identity. 

Nations are not invented overnight. They evolve through an accretion 
of personalities and events, their legacies and inevitable 
mythologies. The individual action is overwhelmed by its place in 
collective memory. 

The Storming of the Bastille, which freed barely 10 prisoners, is a 
case in point. So is the Dandi March, a landmark event even if it 
didn't actually lead to a change in salt laws. 

It is, therefore, pointless to suggest Mangal Pandey didn't think of 
India as beyond Avadh. It is like asking Americans to discount 
Thomas Jefferson because, ``He had no notion of the west coast ... 
For him, mulk was New England and watan his plantation in 
Monticello, Virginia.'' 

Third, Mehta is admittedly guilty on one score — bringing 
contemporary political biases into his script. In the interests of 
multiculturalism, Azimullah and Mangal unite against an enemy 
identified not as ``Angrez'' but as ``Company''. 

The ``Company'' is rapacious, likened to Ravana. It believes in 
dubious concepts like ``market'' and ``trade'' and ``fayda 
(profit)''. This is completely over the top. Mangal Pandey was not 
Arundhati Roy. 

Finally, as we approach its sesquicentennial, how do we see 1857? As 
the government suggests, do we celebrate it as a SAARC event, with 
India, Pakistan and Bangladesh getting together for a nice session 
of West bashing, a sanitised ``Us versus Them'' history? That would 
be a tragedy. 

Historian R.C. Majumdar put it best years ago, ``To regard the 
outbreak of 1857 simply as a mutiny of sepoys is probably as great 
an error as to look upon it as a national war of independence.'' 

The Mutiny is like the Mahabharata. It means what you make of it, 
its romance lies in a million sub-plots: the chapattis and lotus 
flowers passed from village to village, regiment to regiment as a 
sign of rebellion; the haunting line that motivated the 
sepoys, ``Sitara gir parega (A star shall fall)''; the British 
assumption that Azimullah, surely foreign minister in any Mutiny-
era ``national government'', had met Russian agents in Istanbul a 
year earlier, and that the Tsar's men were already in India, 
disguised as Hindu monks; the white men who fought for 
the ``natives'' and the many Indian sepoys who won the war for the 
British; the crucial action of Robert Montgomery — judicial 
commissioner of Punjab and grandfather of the victor of El Alamein — 
in disarming four sepoy regiments in Lahore on May 13 itself, and so 
saving the Northwest; Nana Sahib, hero to Indians, hate figure to 
generations of Britons, the prototype for Jules Verne's Captain 
Nemo; a sepoy band in Delhi celebrating news of the fall of Agra by 
playing God Save the Queen. 

One movie and one interpretation? That enigma of a year deserves a 
billion. In the end, after all, there are as many 1857s as there are 
us Indians.

 
  









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