>From the mid-1840s, Brown had built a reputation as an expert in fine sheep 
and wool. For about one year, he ran Captain Oviatt's farm,[63] and he then 
entered into a partnership with Col. Simon Perkins of Akron, Ohio, whose 
flocks and farms were managed by Brown and his sons.[66] Brown eventually 
moved into a home with his family across the street from the Perkins Stone 
Mansion on Perkins Hill.[67]
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On September 7, Brown entered Lawrence to meet with Free State leaders and 
help fortify against a feared assault. At least 2,700 pro-slavery 
Missourians were once again invading Kansas. On September 14, they 
skirmished near Lawrence. Brown prepared for battle, but serious violence 
was averted when the new governor of Kansas, John W. Geary, ordered the 
warring parties to disarm and disband, and offered clemency to former 
fighters on both sides.[95]

The fact that the layout of the city, having developed without anyoverall 
design, lacks a consistent geometric logic does not mean thatit was at all 
confusing to its inhabitants. One imagines that many ofits cobbled streets 
were nothing more than surfaced footpaths tracedby repeated use. For those 
who grew up in its various quarters, Brugeswould have been perfectly 
familiar, perfectly legible. Its very alleysand lanes would have closely 
approximated the most common dailymovements. For a stranger or trader 
arriving for the first time,however, the town was almost certainly 
confusing, simply because itlacked a repetitive, abstract logic that would 
allow a newcomer toorient herself. The cityscape of Bruges in 1500 could be 
said toprivilege local knowledge over outside knowledge, including that 
ofexternal political authorities.[106] It functioned spatially in muchthe 
same way a difficult or unintelligible dialect would 
functionlinguistically. As a semipermeable membrane, it 
facilitatedcommunication within the city while remaining stubbornly 
unfamiliar tothose who had not grown up speaking this special geographic 
dialect.

A second point about an urban order easily legible from outside isthat the 
grand plan of the ensemble has no necessary relationship tothe order of 
life as it is experienced by its residents. Althoughcertain state services 
may be more easily provided and distantaddresses more easily located, these 
apparent advantages may benegated by such perceived disadvantages as the 
absence of a densestreet life, the intrusion of hostile authorities, the 
loss of thespatial irregularities that foster coziness, gathering places 
forinformal recreation, and neighborhood feeling. The formal order of 
ageometrically regular urban space is just that: formal order. Itsvisual 
regimentation has a ceremonial or ideological quality, muchlike the order 
of a parade or a barracks. The fact that such orderworks for municipal and 
state authorities in administering the city isno guarantee that it works 
for citizens. Provisionally, then, we mustremain agnostic about the 
relation between formal spatial order andsocial experience.

As happens in many authoritarian modernizing schemes, the politicaltastes 
of the ruler occasionally trumped purely military andfunctional concerns. 
Rectilinear streets may have admirably assistedthe mobilization of troops 
against insurgents, but they were also tobe flanked by elegant facades and 
to terminate in imposing buildingsthat would impress visitors.[133] Uniform 
modern buildings along thenew boulevards may have represented healthier 
dwellings, but they wereoften no more than facades. The zoning regulations 
were almostexclusively concerned with the visible surfaces of buildings, 
butbehind the facades, builders could build crowded, airless tenements,and 
many of them did.[134]

Then, as this morning on the dock, again I saw, as if for the firsttime in 
my life, the impeccably straight streets, the glistening glassof the 
pavement, the divine parallelepipeds of the transparentdwellings, the 
square harmony of the grayish blue rows of Numbers. Andit seemed to me that 
not past generations, but I myself, had won avictory over the old god and 
the old life.

A mere glance at the scenes of Brasília, juxtaposed to the urbanBrazil that 
we have been describing, shows at once how radical is thetransformation. 
There are no streets in the sense of public gatheringplaces; there are only 
roads and highways to be used exclusively bymotorized traffic (compare 
figures 19 and 20).

What are the conditions of this diversity? That a district have 
mixedprimary uses, Jacobs suggests, is the most vital factor. Streets 
andblocks should be short in order to avoid creating long barriers 
topedestrians and commerce.[337] Buildings should ideally be of 
greatlyvarying age and condition, thereby making possible different 
rentalterms and the varied uses that accompany them. Each of 
theseconditions, not surprisingly, violates one or more of the 
workingassumptions of orthodox urban planners of the day: 
single-usedistricts, long streets, and architectural uniformity. Mixed 
primaryuses, Jacobs explains, are synergistic with diversity and density.

After seizing state power, the victors have a powerful interest inmoving 
the revolution out of the streets and into the museums andschoolbooks as 
quickly as possible, lest the people decide to repeatthe experience.[390] A 
schematic account highlighting the decisivenessof a handful of leaders 
reinforces their legitimacy; its emphasis oncohesion, uniformity, and 
central purpose makes it seem inevitable andtherefore, it is to be hoped, 
permanent. The slighting of autonomouspopular action serves the additional 
purpose of implying that theworking class is incapable of acting on its own 
without outsideleadership.[391] The account is likely to take the 
opportunity toidentify enemies outside and inside the revolution, singling 
outappropriate targets of hatred and suppression.

Those specialists who deal with emergencies and disasters are alsoexemplary 
of mētis. Firefighters, rescue squads, paramedics,mine-disaster teams, 
doctors in hospital emergency rooms, crews thatrepair downed electrical 
lines, teams that extinguish fires in oilfields, and, as we shall see, 
farmers and pastoralists in precariousenvironments must respond quickly and 
decisively to limit damage andsave lives. Although there are rules of thumb 
that can be and aretaught, each fire or accident is unique, and half the 
battle isknowing which rules of thumb to apply in which order and when to 
throwthe book away and improvise.
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