The Assam Tribune

Guwahati, Tuesday, September 20, 2005

EDITORIAL

ULFA–govt talks and beyond

— Akhil Ranjan Dutta

With the formation of the eleven member People’s Consultative Group (PCG) by United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) to explore the avenues for discussion with the Government of India and, the PCG already taking initiative to invite people’s suggestions on the various issues related to the proposed discussion, there grew a hope of breaking the ice on this front of much delayed negotiation. It was expected that the main issue of sovereignty so far demanded by the ULFA as non-negotiable would no longer remain the main obstacle towards the negotiation between the ULFA and the Government as well as towards any negotiated settlement. However, with the very insensitive stand adopted by the Indian State that got exposed in the killing of 12 ULFA cadres including two top leaders by Army at Saikhowaghat on September 4, 2005, the peace initiative might get stalled again. There is already an indication in this regard from the ULFA leadership as well as of the PCG.

However, this insensitive approach on the part of the State was not at all unexpected. The Indian State, married to the interests of the dominant forces in Indian society as well as to that of the interests of multi-national capitalism, is afraid of consolidation and mobilisation of people around common issues. The formation of PCG and the PCG inviting suggestions from the cross sections of the society pose a great threat to the ongoing policies of the Indian State. As long as the ULFA remains an insurgent group the State can postpone the pro-people policies on the plea of fighting against the insurgents. However, once insurgents reach out the common people and it rallies around people’s voices it brings legitimacy to the issues raised by the insurgents and erodes the legitimacy of the State. So, the State indulges in all forms of manipulation and takes recourse to mechanism of sabotage to erode the proximity between anti-forces and the common people. The September 4 attack is a clear indication in this regard.

Now, at this crucial juncture, the pertinent question that the ULFA should ask itself is whether it should continue with the PCG imitative or as retaliation it should immediately stop it. The common people in Assam will expect the ULFA not to take any decision in a hurry and not to get itself provoked by the insensitivity on the part of the Indian State. It will provide them tremendous bargaining capacity and broaden its support base.

If it does not get itself provoked and decides to continue with the PCG initiative, the important task before the ULFA is to identify the multiple issues that should get priority at this crucial juncture. The following section highlights some of the issues for serious consideration by the ULFA through the PCG.

The most important point that needs to be kept in mind is that Assam no longer remains the exclusive homeland of any ethnic community. The issues of nationality or sub-nationalism is also widely contested today. Besides, there has been huge intra conflict within the homogeneous ethnic communities as is the case with the Bodos. So, there is a possibility of much discontent on any unilateral effort on the part of the ULFA to decide on the fate of the State of Assam as a whole. In this crucial juncture, while striving for a dialogue with the government there is anurgent necessity to hold parallel dialogue with all the multiple stakeholders. There is also gross disagreement between the mainstream civil society forces like All Assam Students Union (AASU) and the ULFA on vital issue like illegal migrants. Whereas the AASU is determined to detect and deport the illegal migrants, particularly the post-1971 Bangladeshi illegal migrants, the ULFA has already voiced its difference on it and Bangladesh has been known as one of the shelter lands for the top leadership of the military outfit for the last couple of years. Exploring some devices to eliminate the differences between the ULFA and the AASU may also constitute a core issue of concern.

Military security, rather than human security or democratic expansion, has been the core criterion of existence of the Indian State in this region. Presence of several coercive laws like National Security Act (NSA); TADA or Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act reflects the coercive dimension of the Indian State. The penetration of capitalist globalisation, which has made the Indian State virtually ineffective in all social security fronts, has been gradually inviting more discontent from the people. The State is responding to these people’s discontent with renewed coercive forces. So, one of the prime tasks before ULFA and PCG is to demand immediate withdrawal of these coercive apparatuses of the Indian State. The proponents of sub-nationalism in the region have brilliantly articulated the conflict of the interests between the Indian State and the people of the North East. However, some of them have very erroneously proposed that globalisation that weakens the power of the nation state system might be a point of solution in this regard. The ULFA has yet to give its clear-cut opinion on capitalist globalisation. The proposed dialogue, if it takes place at all, might provide an opportunity to voice its concerns, if any, on this crucial issue.

The State of India, in the recent years, has tried to bring fragmentation among the people’s movements in India. This is happening in case of the North East too. Accordingly, the issue of Naga settlement has been kept in a very vexed form resulting in a state of distrust and discontent among the people of various ethnic communities in the region. The NDFB has been put against BLT and the people of Assam have been put against the people of Nagaland. This is a part of divide and rule game. The Naga leadership could not properly appreciate these disintegrating tactics. It should not be the case with the ULFA. Even if attainment of independence remains an unachievable goal, serious consideration should be put on these issues.

Over the years, it has been stated that the root cause behind the emergence of a violent situation in the North East has been lack of development. Development in this context has been defined in terms of heavy industralisation and big dams etc. However, the history of development in India reveals that the State steered development has not always been in the interest of the people and ecology. In the North East itself, several people’s movements have come up against the development projects. For example, the Pagladiya Dam Project implemented by the Brahmaputra Board or the proposed Subansiri Dam Project has already generated huge discontent among the people of the respective areas as it is accompanied by the threat of mass displacement. The proposed Bogibeel bridge has also been contested by the people living in the bank of the Brahmaputra in Dhemaji district. Now, even if the ULFA keeps aside the main issue of sovereignty, these vital issues should constitute an important part of the proposed dialogue. Development at the cost of democracy should be protested.

The land policy of the Government of India is extremely anti-people for the tribal dominated North East. In the recent past, the issue of land entitlement received good deal of focus in Assam with a few people’s movements like in Daiyang and Tengani. People’s rights over land have been projected as anti-forest and anti-environment. An artificial line of demarcation has been drawn between people’s rights and right to environment. This issue also needs serious consideration.

The role and status of the State has been comprehensively debated in the recent past, particularly, with the opening up of economy for market operation. The State has been claimed to roll back. In reality, however, the State has not been rolled back. It has retained its capacity to act as a coercive domain in the interest of dominant forces. It has rolled back only from the people’s security sector like health and education. Health and education have emerged as important domains of exploitation in the recent past.

If we aspire any substantive outcome from the proposed dialogue between the ULFA and the government then all these vital issues should draw serious attention.

(The writer teaches Political Science at Gauhati University)


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