The
Indian government's intention of introducing caste based
quotas for the "Other Backward Classes" in centrally funded
institutions of higher learning and the prime minister's
suggestion to the private sector to 'voluntarily go in for
reservation', has once again sparked off a debate on the
merits and demerits of caste-based reservations.
Unfortunately, the predictable divide between the votaries of
"social justice" on one hand and those advocating "merit" on
the other seems to have once again camouflaged the real
issues. It is necessary to take a holistic and non-partisan
view of the issues involved.
The hue
and cry about "sacrificing merit" is untenable simply because
merit is after all a social construct and it cannot be
determined objectively in a historically unjust and unequal
context. The idea of competitive merit will be worthy of
serious attention only in a broadly egalitarian context. But
then, caste is not the only obstacle in the way of an
egalitarian order.
After
all, economic conditions, educational opportunities and
discrimination on the basis of gender also contribute to the
denial of opportunity to express one's true merit and worth.
It is interesting to note that in the ongoing debate, one side
refuses to see the socially constructed nature of the notion
of merit, while the other side refuses to recognise the
multiplicity of the mechanisms of exclusion with equal
vehemence.
The idea
of caste-based reservations is justified by the logic of
social justice. This implies the conscious attempt to
restructure a given social order in such a way that
individuals belonging to the traditionally and structurally
marginalised social groups get adequate opportunities to
actualise their potential and realise their due share in the
resources available.
In any
society, particularly in one as diverse and complex as the
Indian society, this is going to be a gigantic exercise and
must not be reduced to just one aspect of state policy. Seen
in this light, caste-based reservation has to work in tandem
with other policies ensuring the elimination of the structures
of social marginalisation and denial of access. It has to be
seen as a means of achieving social justice and not an end in
itself. By the same logic it must be assessed and audited from
time to time like any other social policy and economic
strategy.
Hence,
it is important, to discuss reservation in the holistic
context of much required social restructuring and not to
convert it into a fetish of 'political correctness'.
Admittedly, caste remains a social reality and a mechanism of
oppression in Indian society. But can we say that caste is the
only mechanism of oppression? Can we say with absolute
certainty that poverty amongst the so-called upper castes has
been eradicated? Can we say that the regions of Northeast,
Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh are on par with the glittering metros
of Delhi and Mumbai? Can we say that a pupil from a panchayat
school in Bihar is equipped to compete with an alumnus of Doon
School on an equal footing, even if both of them belong to the
same caste group? One of my students once remarked that he was
regularly compelled to swim across a rivulet in order to reach
his school, and the rivulet in question did not distinguish
between Brahmins and dalits. Incidentally, this young man
happens to be a Brahmin by birth! Can we also say that gender
plays no role in denial of social opportunities? After all,
this society discriminates against girls even before they are
born. What to talk of access or opportunities, they're denied
birth itself. Such discrimination exists across religious and
caste lines.
Moreover, the question is: do we want to eliminate
caste as a factor of social relations and political processes
or do we want to perpetuate it forever? Is it not true that by
treating caste as the only medium of oppression and hence by
focusing all remedial measures on caste alone, we have only
added to the longevity of caste as the determining factor of
social identity? Individuals have been virtually turned into
the epitomes of the caste of their birth — denying the
multiple identities that every individual perforce carries.
This also helps the powerful amongst the generally
disempowered sections to corner most of the benefits of
caste-based reservation. Caste, which in reality is only one
of the features of identity at the individual level and the
manifestation of an abhorrent social order at the social and
structural level, has been turned into the essential identity
of individual citizens. Such a situation helps only those
politicians who are in search of shortcuts to power. It is
harmful for the cause of a modern social democracy as well as
to the cause of individuals in need of social justice and
related affirmative action.
There
seems to be a deliberate attempt to mislead public opinion by
projecting caste-based reservation as the only form of
affirmative action. Affirmative action has to "affirm" the
social will to rectify unjust structures and practices in
existence. Any society has a multiplicity of such structures
and practices. Any programme of affirmative action has to
tackle all these factors and not elevate any one factor to the
level of a political "fetish".
I hereby
propose a model of affirmative action that I will call miraa —
Multiple Index Related Affirmative Action. As the name
suggests, this model will take into account several factors
when a candidate is considered for admission or employment.
In the
specific situation of our country, miraa will consist of the
following indices:
1.
Caste/Tribe
2. Gender
3. Economic status of family
4.
Kind of schooling received
5. Region where candidate spent
his/her formative years
6. Status as a first generation
learner/educational achievement in the family
Let me
explain how this system will work. There will be no pre-fixed
quotas. miraa will be operative on hundred percent of the
available seats for education or employment. Suppose there is
a 100-mark scale for entry to a college/organisation. These
100 marks can be distributed amongst entrance test, interview,
and academic performance as per the wishes of the institution
in question. First and foremost, all candidates would be
ranked on this hundred mark scale, depending on their
performance in the entrance test, interview etc. Then miraa
would be applied and each candidate irrespective of their
caste can potentially benefit from it, due to the different
indices, which make up the system.
The
maximum points a person can get under miraa are 30 and the
minimum is 0. Now the candidate's miraa subscore is added to
the score s/he achieved in the admission process described
above. This will be the total score. The candidates whose
total score clears the cut-off for a particular subject/job
will then be offered the position. (see boxes on facing page)
Hence,
this system does take into account both the qualification of
the individual as well as the demands of social and economic
justice. Unlike the quota/percentage system which confines the
social justice mechanism only to a fraction of the available
vacancies, miraa brings each and every seat under the ambit of
social and economic justice.
This
proposal doesn't take into account the religion of the
applicant, as it is based upon the realisation the ubiquitous
nature of the institution of caste in Indian society. Hence,
the members of marginalised and disempowered communities
across the religious spectrum will get due benefits.
For
example, a Kidwai or Raza Muslim will not be awarded any
points under caste index while an Ansari or a Salmani will get
points in accordance with obc status. The same logic applies
to Christians and others as well. I request the reader to
think, consider and react to miraa.
The writer teaches at the Jawaharlal Nehru
University, Delhi
