Umesh:
This type of who says what article comes and goes and does not really depict 
the reality.
Assam - Asom stays.
RB
,
----- Original Message ----- 
From: "umesh sharma" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: "Ram Sarangapani" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Rajen & Ajanta Barua" 
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Cc: <[email protected]>
Sent: Monday, September 04, 2006 2:56 AM
Subject: Re: [Assam] The Assam Tribune Editorial


>I think we are missing the point here. The article
> seems to say Islamic fundamentalist organizations have
> not had much headway in Assam. that should be a good
> think. what about AUDF which has come up recently for
> fighting elections based on minority plank?
>
> Umesh
>
>
> --- Ram Sarangapani <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
>> Barua,
>>
>> I agree. The Assam Tribune is not being consistent.
>> They have been changing
>> the official names of many organizations and yet not
>> their one.
>>
>> --Ram
>>
>>
>> On 9/3/06, Rajen & Ajanta Barua
>> <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>> >
>> >  *>The Assam Tribune
>> > >Editorial, August 29, 2006
>> > >Muslims in Asom: estrangement or engagement*
>> > **
>> > *>United Liberation Front of Asom*
>> >
>> > Hypocritical litikai Assam Tribune is changing the
>> name of Assam to Asom
>> > for everybody except for own.
>> > RB
>> > *
>> >
>>
> --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
>> > *
>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > *The Assam Tribune
>> > Editorial, August 29, 2006
>> > Muslims in Asom: estrangement or engagement
>> > *Abu Nasar Saied Ahmed
>> > The much-quoted statement of British Prime
>> Minister Benjamin Disraeli
>> > (1804-1881) There is no gambling like politicsis
>> putatively relevant to
>> > Indian politics. The recent developments in Muslim
>> politics in Asom tend to
>> > confirm it in unmistakable terms.
>> >
>> > The Muslim politics in Asom took a turn towards
>> particularism soon after
>> > the historic verdict of the Supreme Court
>> invalidating the controversial
>> > IM(DT) Act. A new political outfit appeared in the
>> scene ostensibly to
>> > protect the Muslims from unnecessary harassment
>> that might be meted out to
>> > them on mere suspicion to be Bangladeshi
>> nationals. This putative fear
>> > together with an undiplomatic and hard-hitting
>> statement of the Chief
>> > Minister provided the political rationale behind
>> the formation of the AUDF.
>> > It did not take time to see the changing contour
>> of the new political
>> > outfit, which had limitless political ambition to
>> play the role of the
>> > kingmakerand occupy the driversseat of governance
>> in the State. The
>> > speculative political equations were based on
>> certain quick and
>> > business-like assessment of the political scenario
>> in the State. A totally
>> > shattered and vertically divided regional party,
>> the AGP, despite the tall
>> > claims made by its president, was too weak to
>> secure absolute majority in
>> > the Asom Legislative Assembly. Similarly, the BJP
>> despite its graduated
>> > expansion in its support base was unlikely to
>> strike magic in the election
>> > performance in a communally harmonious State like
>> Asom. Therefore,
>> > Badaruddin Ajmal, the president of the AUDF,
>> appears to have calculated that
>> > his new party would be able to accomplish a
>> political engineering to erode
>> > the traditional Congress base and reduce its
>> strength substantially. In
>> > other words, Asom would experience a hung Assembly
>> and in such a situation
>> > his party would be in the drivers seat in the
>> formation of government. His
>> > calculation was based on certain hard factual
>> data. Out of 126 Assembly
>> > constituencies there are 23 constituencies in
>> which the Muslims constitute
>> > 50 to 90 per cent of the electorate, in 7
>> constituencies they share 40 to 49
>> > per cent votes. It means that out of 126
>> constituencies Muslims play a
>> > decisive role in 30 constituencies. In a changed
>> situation, he might have
>> > speculated that his party would be able to capture
>> almost all these 30
>> > seats. In the process he would be the kingmaker.
>> If things proceeded
>> > according to his assessment of the political
>> situation, he would be able to
>> > not only unseat the Congress from power but also
>> settle a score with the
>> > Chief Minister.
>> >
>> > Political calculations are different from
>> commercial ones. As Harold Laski
>> > once commented that in politics it may so happen
>> that 0+0+0+0=4. That is why
>> > Ajmals calculations eventually turned out to be
>> miscalculations. It was
>> > obviously wrong to assume that the Muslims in Asom
>> have an electoral
>> > collectivism. The long experience of electoral and
>> legislative politics in
>> > Asom since 1937 abnegates the idea of unity of
>> political action of the
>> > Muslims. It was a trivialisation or
>> oversimplification of the political
>> > maturity of the Muslims of Asom to assume that
>> they were morbidly terrified
>> > at the verdict of the Supreme Court on the IM(DT)
>> Act, and therefore, would
>> > rally under the umbrella of a newly formed party
>> to find a protective shield
>> > under it. There has been erroneous construction of
>> a thesis that the Muslims
>> > of Asom constitute the dependable vote bank of the
>> Congress. Although they
>> > constitute 30 per cent of the total population of
>> the State and a
>> > significant force to reckon with in the electoral
>> politics in Asom, more
>> > than one party shares their votes as they rally
>> behind various political
>> > parties and have set an example of unseating the
>> Congress from power more
>> > than once. It is true that in certain
>> constituencies the Muslims vote en
>> > bloc and en mass which makes the electoral
>> situation visibly different. But
>> > at the same time, a political party emerging out
>> of a personalised agenda
>> > cannot really muster sustenance for a long time.
>> More importantly, the
>> > post-colonial political setting did not testify to
>> the survival of a Muslim
>> > based communal party. Although the AUDF has been
>> trying its best to disabuse
>> > its comnmunal face by fielding non-Muslim
>> candidates in the last Assembly
>> > elections of 2006, it is yet to secure peoples
>> acceptability as a secular
>> > party. Its credibility as a truly secular and
>> democratic party will heavily
>> > depend not on words and the manifesto but on its
>> activities and programmes.
>> >
>> > The history of Muslim politics in Asom in the
>> post-colonial period does
>> > not suggest a bright future of a communal-based
>> party. It is true that in
>> > the early part of the last century, the Muslim
>> League as a communal party
>> > could enlist the support of a sizeable section of
>> the Muslims. But at the
>> > same time it is also a fact that many of them
>> joined the national mainstream
>> > under the banner of the Indian National Congress.
>> Soon after Independence,
>> > Sir Syed Saadullah, who had been the Premier of
>> Asom for five times, turned
>> > down the position of the Governor of East
>> Pakistan, decided to stay in this
>> > country and join the Congress along with his
>> followers. On the floor of the
>> > Asom Legislative Assembly soon after Independence
>> he made an eloquent speech
>> > reaffirming his commitment to the Constitution. He
>> said ...Now the Muslims,
>> > who have been placed either by accident or birth
>> or domicile under the
>> > Constitution, we are all ready to extend our hand
>> of cooperation and loyal
>> > services...Since then the Muslim approach to
>> particularism or estrangement
>> > disappeared and got themselves engaged in the task
>> of nation-building,
>> > notwithstanding the fact that there were shuttle
>> attempts at reviving
>> > particularism in some form or other. In February
>> 1975 an organisation called
>> > the Asom Muslim Parishad was formed at the
>> initiative of Syed Ahmed Ali and
>> > Omaruddin to struggle for the common interests of
>> the Muslims.It was not a
>> > political party but a pressure group, which did
>> not last even for a year. In
>> > a meeting held on March 8, 1977 at Haji
>> Musafirkhana, another organisation
>> > named the Eastern India Muslim Associationwas
>> formed. It also met with the
>> > same fate. It is needless to remind the readers
>> about the emergence and the
>> > end of UMF. In a multicultural society as in Asom,
>> it is extremely difficult
>> > to keep a communally charged political plank,
>> despite its secular and
>> > democratic nomenclature, alive and sustained, for
>> particularism, even
>> > theoretically conceived does not stand on a
>> permanent footing. The political
>> > expediency in the State does not subscribe to an
>> impression that a Muslim
>> > communal framework will survive on the floor of
>> the Assembly on any issue
>> > facing the Muslims.
>> >
>> >
>> > _______________________________________________
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>> > [email protected]
>> >
>>
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>> >
>> >
>> >
>> > _______________________________________________
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>>
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>>
>
>
> Umesh Sharma
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>
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>
> Ed.M. - International Education Policy
> Harvard Graduate School of Education,
> Harvard University,
> Class of 2005
>
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>
>
>
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