>>>>>The solution lies in a united approach by both the majority and the
>>>>>minority communities. Illegal migration harms both. Sooner the
>>>>>realisation, the better. Assams future lies is mutual trust, distrust
>>>>>will lead to doom.
How to take that united approach? Who would take the initiative? What would
be the timeframe within which the realisation should come? The time frame
within which that approach would give quietus to the mistrust and the minority
would help the majority in weeding out the illegal migrants and stemming the
flow into Assam? In otherwords, the step by step approach to bell the cat may
be spelt out, please.
Nava Thakuria <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
Aliens issue: hope lies in mutual trust
Ranen Kumar Goswami
The aliens issue appears to have earned permanent residentship in Assams
socio-political agenda. The issue has survived the six-year long Assam movement
from 1979 and its culmination in the Assam Accord in 1985, the movement
leaderships metamorphosis into the Asom Gana Parishad which captured the seat
of power in Dispur and its failure to deport aliens the mushroom growth of
minority organisations, the birth and death of IMDT, and the most important of
them all, the beginning of identity assertion movements by various ethnic
groups. The problem is still alive and kicking and is expected to remain so for
a long time.
Assam is paying a heavy price in its chase for a solution to the problem as can
be measured by the years and social efforts that have gone into it. It is
clear, something must have gone terribly wrong. Can it be so that those who
want to depart the foreigners are weaker than those who have an interest in the
import of foreigners? The bitterness from the unsolved problem should have been
between the people and the Government. Instead, it has affected the relations
between one section of people with the other and the Government is enjoying the
fun. Whatever may be its political colour, AGP or Congress, or whatever may be
its pretensions, no Government has seriously done anything to solve the problem.
The problem is serious. Nobody disputes that there are illegal migrants.
Disputes, however, crop up aplenty over the process of detection and
deportation and prevention of further influx. Are these not the primary
responsibilities of the Governments, both at the Centre and in the State? What
they have done so far is for all to see. A question can be asked here, which
is, what was the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led NDA Governments role during
its five-year tenure at the Centre? Because the BJP never misses an opportunity
to raise a hullabaloo over illegal migration. The answer is simple, nothing
worth remembering. It was the Supreme Court which struck down the Illegal
Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) or IMDT Act; the NDA Government did not
do anything to get the Act repealed in Parliament. The partys role remained
limited to verbal fireworks against the IMDT in Assam. And the sealing of
borders? The border fencing work was as tardy during the NDA tenure as it had
been during the tenures of earlier Congress or other coalition Governments.
But one thing the saffron party and its allies do with a high degree of
efficiency is the communalisation of the issue. In its eyes only the Muslim
immigrants are foreigners, the Hindus are not. This approach is a recipe for
disaster for Assam and the Assamese; because this restricts the number of
Assamese only to those who are Hindus. Is this not a threat to the very
existence of Assamese nationality?
The Assam movement started in 1979. Twenty-eight years have passed since then.
All these years all the Governments have been casual in their approach to the
problem. In 1983, Indira Gandhis Congress Government, instead of allaying
fears in the peoples minds, introduced the IMDT to protect doubtful citizens.
It was highly discriminatory, because it was applicable only in Assam. This
meant, the Indira Gandhi Government was against illegal migrants staying in
other parts of the country, but it did not mind their staying in Assam. If this
was not discrimination, then what was ? A demand was raised in various quarters
against the Act. Such an Act, as the Supreme Court observed much later, had
never allowed the detection of foreigners. The IMDT has a life span of 22 years
till July 12, 2005. But did the Congress Government respect the apex court
verdict that had declared it unconstitutional? No. It tried to bring IMDT back
through the back door and issued a notification called
to the Foreigners Order 2006. It was also challenged in the court. The Supreme
Court struck down this order too. In its verdict on December 5, 2006, the
bench, comprising Justice SB Sinha and Justice P K Balasubramanyan, said it
appeared that the order had been issued just as a cover-up for
non-implementation of the directions of the court issued in the IMDT Act case.
After the Assam Accord all sections of people have agreed to abide by the
decision that all Bangladeshis (or East Pakistanis) who came before March 25,
1971 can stay in the State. The problem is with those who came after that day.
As has been seen, New Delhi and Dispur are the least bothered, which has left a
fear lurking in peoples psyche, will Assam ever be free from illegal migrants?
On May 5, 2005, there was a tripartite meeting in New Delhi between the All
Assam Students Union (AASU), the Centre and the Assam Government where Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh himself headed the central team and Chief Minister
Tarun Gogoi led the State Government team. The AASU team was led by its adviser
Samujjal Kumar Bhattacharya. The decisions taken at the meeting included
upgrading of the 1951 National Register of Citizens to 1971, completion of the
Indo-Bangla border fencing works within one year and inspection of the border
by a team comprising representatives of the Centre, the State government and
AASU to be led by the Union Home Minister. Its the second half of 2007 now.
What is the progress so far? In the last Assembly session (from August 6 to 9)
Assam Accord Implementation Minister Bhumidhar Barman admitted that even the
modalities for upgradation of NRC are not ready yet. And the border fencing?
According to the tripartite meeting decision, it was to be
completed by May 2006. But that was not to be. On December 12, 2006 Bhumidhar
Barman informed the Assembly that it would be ready by March, 2007. Even that
did not happen. There was another tripartite meeting in Guwahati on July 11,
2007. Here the Government officials said the fencing would be complete by
March, 2008. The officials also informed that the 32 Foreigners Tribunals in
the State had detected only 54 illegal migrants while disposing of 545 cases in
the five months that preceded July 11. But none of them could be deported as
all the infiltrators managed to escape. All this, the attempt to reintroduce
the IMDT through the back door, going slow on the NRC and border fencing and
the minimum possible cases in tribals, clearly suggests the official inaction
is not just dereliction of duties, but it is deliberate and carefully planned.
This well-crafted indifference fuels the anger of those who want to free the
State from illegal migrants.
The latest provocation was a group of alleged doubtful citizens, branded and
driven out by the All Arunachal Pradesh Students Union (AAPSU) as bangladeshis.
The development began from July 13 and 14 when they found themselves on the
Assam side of the Bandardewa gate. Organisations including AASU and AJYCP vowed
not to allow them to stay in Assam. Even here, the Arunachal Government was
spared the blame it deserved. Because, not to speak of Bangladeshis, even
Indians are not allowed to venture beyond the bandardewa gate if they do not
have innerline permits. So, how these doubtful citizens enter Arunachal in
the first place? Does not the State Government owe an explanation to its people?
On the other hand, several minority organisations claimed these people were
genuine Indians and should not be harassed. The issue turned into a dispute
with AASU, AJYCP and others calling the ousted people doubtful citizens and
minority organisations calling them Indians. The tension was all over, in the
media, on the street and at public meetings. On July 28, an All Assam Minority
Students Union (AAMSU) lender declared at a Press Meet in Guwahati that if
harassment of minorities continues, Assamese people would be driven out of
Barpeta, Dhubri and Goalpara districts. Fortunately, various organisations in
Assam have deplored the statement and called it derisive.
On July 31 and August 1, Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi said in Guwahati that all
the 3,300 people thrown out of Arunachal were genuine Indian citizens. This
would certainly ease the tension through it was not a solution to the problem.
And if there is no solution, the problem will provoke frequent tension in the
State, threaten communal harmony and shake the very edifice of Assamese
nationality. The fear and suspicion in the minority mind is to a little extent
the result of political power play and to a great extent the result of the
mistakes committed during the Assam movement. Say for instance, the Nellie
massacre. Detection of foreigners is not possible if this suspicion persists.
The Government is not at all interested to stop illegal migration. The solution
lies in a united approach by both the majority and the minority communities.
Illegal migration harms both. Sooner the realisation, the better. Assams
future lies is mutual trust, distrust will lead to doom.
The Assam Tribune, Guwahati, Saturday, August 18, 2007
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